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Campaign positions remain attributed. Official actions are shown separately, with narrow relationship labels and limits.

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Campaign positions

What each campaign says.

Mariannette Miller-Meeks

She has no standing position section on this subject, and the positions she has taken on it are in her newsroom. Her campaign site carries no issues page, and across the seven subject pages her official issues index links the words ethics, term limits, campaign finance, Citizens United and dark money do not appear at all, nor do they appear in any headline or summary on her official press-release index from December 4, 2024 to September 3, 2026. Congressional stock trading is the exception, and it appears twice. On November 19, 2025 she called on the House Committee on Administration to advance a ban covering members and their spouses, in her own words "Members of Congress should not be trading individual stocks while writing laws and receiving nonpublic briefings." She is one of the cosponsors of the Restore Trust in Congress Act, H.R. 5106 of the 119th Congress, which sits in that committee. A July 22, 2026 release, carried on her delivering-results page as well, says the House passed the Stop Insider Trading Act, which it describes as led by her.

Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Miller-Meeks for Congress Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Congress.gov

Christina Bohannan

Her campaign says she takes no corporate PAC money and would ban stock trading by members of Congress, the executive branch and Supreme Court justices with divestment, pass an amendment reversing Citizens United, institute term limits and age caps, create an independent congressional ethics agency, bar members and their families from lobbying, and open primaries to independents through the Let America Vote Act.

Christina Bohannan for Congress

Michael Bridgford

His campaign makes this his central theme: a four-term cap for House members by constitutional amendment, a ban on members and their families trading individual stocks, an amendment reversing Citizens United with 24-hour disclosure of donations over $10,000 in the meantime, a 72-hour rule to read spending bills, a pledge to vote against omnibus packages, and a blind trust for his own investments.

Bridgford for Iowa
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Evidence timeline

Where statements meet the record.

  1. Occurred Jul 22, 2026

    official action

    Mariannette Miller-Meeks: Matches stated direction

    Her campaign account says she wrote legislation to ban congressional stock trading. Her office separately says the House passed such a ban led by her. Across the 117th, 118th and 119th Congresses she sponsored 129 bills and resolutions, and none of them concerns congressional stock trading. Both bills on the subject that carry her name are someone else's. H.R. 7008, the Stop Insider Trading Act, was introduced by Representative Bryan Steil on January 12, 2026; she is an original cosponsor recorded that day, 36th of 93 in the listed order and 36th of the 72 original cosponsors, and she voted Yea when the House passed it 232 to 198 on July 22, 2026 (Roll Call 280). It was placed on the Senate calendar on August 6, 2026 and is not law. H.R. 5106, the Restore Trust in Congress Act, was introduced by Representative Chip Roy on September 3, 2025; she is not an original cosponsor of it and joined on September 11, 2025, 47th of 142. Her office's own releases describe her role three ways, and none of them is authorship. The release of November 19, 2025 states plainly that she is a cosponsor of the Restore Trust in Congress Act, and records a letter she sent to Chairman Bryan Steil and Ranking Member Joe Morelle asking the Committee to unify the proposals that already existed into one enforceable reform, naming a full ban on individual stock trading by members and spouses, blind trusts or index funds as the alternative, and uniform enforcement with real penalties; Steil introduced H.R. 7008 fifty-four days later. The release of July 22, 2026 is headed House Passes Miller-Meeks Backed Bill to Ban Congressional Stock Trading, and its first sentence calls the bill led by her, so her office's headline and its lede do not agree with each other. She does not sit on the Committee on House Administration, which both bills were referred to, and that committee's report on H.R. 7008, H. Rept. 119-479 of February 3, 2026, does not name her anywhere, and does not mention Iowa: it credits the introduction to Steil, and the substitute amendment adopted at markup to Steil. She uses the same verb accurately about a bill that is hers: on August 26, 2026 she posted that she wrote the Billion Dollar Boondoggle Act, and she is its sponsor. Limit: The official actions behind this label are two cosponsorships and a Yea vote when the House passed a ban 232 to 198, and the desk names them because the label requires it. On the word wrote, the record is not silent by accident: it holds sponsorship, cosponsorship, committee action and floor statements, and it records who drafted a bill nowhere, for any member, because most bill text is drafted by the Legislative Counsel at a member's request. A claim to have written legislation is therefore one the official record can neither confirm nor refute, here or anywhere, and this desk does not treat a record that cannot test a claim as a record that defeats it. What the record can show is set out above and a reader can weigh it: no bill of her own on the subject across 129 bills and resolutions, 36th of the seventy-two original cosponsors filed the same day on H.R. 7008, not an original cosponsor of H.R. 5106 at all, her own office calling her a cosponsor under a headline calling it a bill she backed, and a committee report that does not name her on a committee she does not sit on. It also shows the nearest documented thing to authorship: seven weeks before H.R. 7008 existed she wrote to its eventual sponsor, the chairman of that committee, asking him to build a package whose contents it partly matches. The post claims she wrote legislation on a subject. It does not claim any bill of hers passed, and this card does not read it as though it did. The post also carries a video this desk did not watch. What the ban would cover is a question about the bill's text, which this card does not assess.

    X Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Congress.gov Congress.gov Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives Congress.gov Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks U.S. Government Publishing Office Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks X
  2. Occurred Jun 30, 2026

    official action

    Christina Bohannan: Matches stated record claim

    The government section of her campaign priorities page says she takes no corporate PAC money and would reject the influence of money and special interests in Congress. Her committee's itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026 carry no contribution from any committee the FEC records as corporation-connected, and none from a corporation without capital stock: those two rows are missing from her money table because the filing has nothing to put in them. What it does itemize from committees is $93,500 from 17 labour organization PACs, $48,490 from 11 membership organization PACs, $34,400 from 17 other candidates' committees, $10,720.79 from 3 party committees, $5,000 from one trade association PAC, and $310,537.50 from 79 committees for which the FEC records no organization type at all. Over the same period the incumbent's filing itemizes $706,425.00 from 213 corporation-connected PACs and $11,000 from 2 corporations without capital stock. Limit: The claim is checkable and the filing bears it out on the FEC's own classification: not one itemized contribution from a committee the FEC records as connected to a corporation. The check is only as fine as that classification. 79 of the committees that gave to her carry no recorded organization type, $310,537.50 in all, so this desk cannot say what each of them is. A trade association PAC gave $5,000, and a trade association is a business organization, though the FEC does not record it as corporation-connected. The $2,678,013.78 conduit row is money individuals earmarked through a fundraising platform rather than committee money, and the $856,878.72 of transfers comes from joint fundraising committees. Whether any of that amounts to corporate money is not a question the filings answer, and this desk does not answer it either.

    Christina Bohannan for Congress Federal Election Commission Federal Election Commission
  3. Occurred Jun 30, 2026

    official action

    Michael Bridgford: Matches stated direction

    His campaign says that unlike his opponents he takes no money from lobbies, big tech or leadership funds, and that his campaign is built by people. His committee's July Quarterly, received July 15, 2026 and covering April 1 to June 30, 2026, itemizes one contribution from a political committee across the whole cycle: $5,000 from the Forward Party on June 1, 2026, which the FEC records as a qualified hybrid political action committee. No contribution from a corporation-connected, trade association, leadership or party committee appears in it. Of $189,523.47 in receipts, $122,505.25 is his own money as the filing itemizes it: $22,505.25 in contributions from the candidate, which the FEC's summary of the cycle puts at $22,671.10, and two candidate loans of $60,000 and $40,000, neither repaid. Contributions from individuals total $61,852.37, of which $14,000 came from one limited liability company in four same-day contributions and $1,152.37 from another. The other two committees' filings over the same cycle itemize $2,421,206.95 and $502,648.29 in committee and party contributions. Limit: The specific list he names is borne out: his filing itemizes no lobby, corporate, trade or leadership-PAC money at all. Two things sit beside that. One political committee did contribute, the Forward Party's $5,000, and this desk does not rule on whether a party's own hybrid PAC counts as a special interest. And "built by people" is measured against a filing in which 64.6 percent of receipts is his own money as that filing itemizes it, including $100,000 in loans he has not been repaid. His first report covers a full quarter while his opponents' cover the six weeks after the primary, so period-to-period comparisons here are not like for like.

    Bridgford for Iowa Federal Election Commission Federal Election Commission Federal Election Commission Federal Election Commission Federal Election Commission
  4. Occurred Jun 1, 2026

    campaign position

    Michael Bridgford: Not comparable yet

    His campaign says he would vote for a constitutional amendment capping House service at four terms and for a ban on members trading individual stocks. There is no official legislative record to set beside this. He has held no seat in Congress or the Iowa Legislature, so no roll call, sponsorship or cosponsorship exists in his name; the Iowa Secretary of State's candidate list is the only government record of him this desk found, and his FEC candidate record carries 2026 as his only election year. A stock-trading ban did pass the House on July 22, 2026 without him, since he is not a member. Limit: A pledge about future votes cannot be checked against a record that does not exist. He has never held office, so this desk records the pledge and the absence of any comparable action, and nothing more. That absence is not a finding about him; it is what a first candidacy looks like in the official record.

    Bridgford for Iowa Iowa Secretary of State Federal Election Commission Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives

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