The candidates and ballot details for this 2026 U.S. House race, with the original election records attached.
The Stated Record analysis: Toss-up
Updated September 3, 2026
Who is running?
Printed ballot candidates
Mariannette Miller-MeeksRepublican
Christina BohannanDemocratic
Michael BridgfordNo Party
Source: Iowa Secretary of State accepted candidate list
Checked September 2, 2026
Voter guide
The candidates, side by side
Background comes from government or official office records, and from the campaign's own biography where the bullet says so. Goals are summarized from each campaign's own platform page and stay attributed to the campaign. The record lines are official votes, sponsorships, and filings with the government source attached. Money is shown as filed, by the type the FEC records for the contributing committee, and is not evidence of why any position was taken. Money rows are itemized receipts from political committees; transfers from joint fundraising committees and the conduit entries for earmarked individual contributions sit on their own rows and are not additive with the rest; other memo entries, reimbursements, and receipts from organizations that are not political committees are excluded; each candidate's note gives the filing window and the reconciliation to the FEC summary.
The sitting member for Iowa's first district, in office since January 2021; Congress.gov records her in the 117th Congress for the second district and in the 118th and 119th for the first. She chairs the Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on Health and sits on Energy and Commerce. Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks, Congress.gov
Her official biography records 24 years in the United States Army as a private, nurse and doctor, four years directing the Iowa Department of Public Health from 2010, and an Iowa Senate seat won in 2018 and resigned on January 2, 2021 to take her House seat. Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks
Voted Yea on passage of H.R. 6833, the Affordable Insulin Now Act, on March 31, 2022 (Roll Call 102, passed 232 to 193); the Clerk's record shows twelve Republicans voting Yea, and she was one of them. Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives
Has sponsored 129 bills and resolutions plus five floor amendments across the 117th, 118th and 119th Congresses, and cosponsored 1,224; eleven of her own bills passed the House, and no bill she sponsored became law in its own right. Congress.gov
Campaign money from other committees, by type
Transfers from joint fundraising committees (line 12) 7 committees
$1,686,037
Conduit entries for earmarked individual contributions 1 committee
$690,472
Other PACs (no organization type recorded) 163 committees
$788,688
Corporation-connected PACs 213 committees
$706,425
Trade association PACs 93 committees
$388,750
Membership organization PACs 36 committees
$171,000
Other candidates' committees 65 committees
$166,477
Contributions from joint fundraising committees (line 11C) 3 committees
$150,367
Labor organization PACs 3 committees
$16,000
Corporation without capital stock PACs 2 committees
$11,000
Committees listed without an FEC id in the filing 2 committees
Itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026, grouped by the FEC's recorded organization type or designation of the contributing committee. The conduit row is the exception: it holds what the campaign's own fundraising platform passed through, which the FEC records as a hybrid political action committee rather than by organization type. Table rows other than the transfer and conduit rows sum to $2,421,206.95, equal to the FEC summary's other-committee plus party contributions. Every other figure here is a sum of the filings' own itemized rows, not the matching line on the FEC's summary of the cycle, and the two can differ by whatever the filings did not itemize. Not in the table: $78,328.06 of itemized line-14 offsets to operating expenditures, where the summary says $79,791.04; $75,893.12 of itemized line-15 other receipts including bank interest, where the summary says $75,893.13; $2,000 of line-11AI contributions from organizations; and the memo entries outside the conduit row. A memo entry restates money the report already counts elsewhere, so adding one would count it twice: they include $91,535.99 restating the transfer row and $263,310.71 that donors earmarked to the campaign through other political committees.
Iowa state representative for District 85 in the 89th General Assembly, from January 11, 2021 to January 8, 2023, her only term; the Legislature's record gives her home county as Johnson and her profession as professor of law at the University of Iowa College of Law and former engineer with the Florida Department of Environmental Protection. Iowa Legislature
Her campaign biography traces a mobile home in a town of 700, parents who did not finish high school, a father who lost his health insurance after he got sick, a degree in environmental engineering and work as an engineer on water quality, then law school and a long teaching career in Iowa City. Christina Bohannan for Congress
What they say they want to do
Make the cost of living her first priority, ending the tariffs she says raise prices, curbing corporate price gouging and lowering prescription drug costs. Christina Bohannan for Congress
Let Iowans buy into Medicare at any age, while opposing a single-payer system, and reverse this year's Medicaid cuts. Christina Bohannan for Congress
Ban stock trading by members of Congress, the executive branch, Supreme Court justices, their spouses and staff, and require divestment. Christina Bohannan for Congress
Protect Social Security and Medicare and shore up the trust funds, and expand Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing care. Christina Bohannan for Congress
What the official record shows
Sole sponsor of House File 2196 (2022), exempting feminine hygiene and incontinence products from the sales and use tax, introduced and referred to Ways and Means on February 1, 2022 with no further action recorded. Iowa Legislature
One of the three members of the first House subcommittee on Senate File 522, on older individuals and dependent adults, named March 10, 2021; that subcommittee recommended passage 3 to 0, the bill reached no House floor vote in 2021, and a second subcommittee that did not include her recommended it again in 2022 before the House passed it 96 to 0; the Senate had passed it 47 to 0, and it took effect July 1, 2022. Iowa Legislature
Is listed as a sponsor or floor manager on 33 bills and resolutions in the 89th General Assembly, the only one she served, five of them alone; none of those five advanced past its first committee referral. Iowa Legislature, Iowa Legislature
Campaign money from other committees, by type
Transfers from joint fundraising committees (line 12) 8 committees
$856,879
Conduit entries for earmarked individual contributions 1 committee
$2,678,014
Other PACs (no organization type recorded) 79 committees
Itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026, grouped by the FEC's recorded organization type or designation of the contributing committee. The conduit row is the exception: it holds what the campaign's own fundraising platform passed through, which the FEC records as a hybrid political action committee rather than by organization type. Table rows other than the transfer and conduit rows sum to $502,648.29, equal to the FEC summary's other-committee plus party contributions. No row appears for corporation-connected PACs, because the filing itemizes no contribution from a committee the FEC records with that organization type. Every other figure here is a sum of the filings' own itemized rows, not the matching line on the FEC's summary of the cycle, and the two can differ by whatever the filings did not itemize. Not in the table: $7,000 of line-11D contributions from the candidate, $34,209.98 of itemized line-14 offsets where the summary says $34,463.63, $2,297.43 of itemized line-15 other receipts where the summary says $2,414.80, $1,000 of line-11AI contributions from organizations, and the memo entries outside the conduit row, which include $60,609.85 restating the transfer row and $245,901.43 that donors earmarked to the campaign through other political committees.
A first-time candidate who has held no elective office. The Iowa Secretary of State's list records him as the No Party candidate for the district, filed June 1, 2026, and his FEC candidate record carries 2026 as his only election year. Iowa Secretary of State, Federal Election Commission
His campaign describes him as an independent worker who pays for his family's health insurance himself, and uses that cost to separate himself from both opponents. Bridgford for Iowa
What they say they want to do
Limit House members to four terms and senators to two by constitutional amendment. Bridgford for Iowa
Ban members of Congress, their spouses and dependent children from trading individual stocks. Bridgford for Iowa
Reach a Social Security compromise that lifts the payroll tax cap while protecting current retirees and those within ten years of retirement. Bridgford for Iowa
Authorize year-round nationwide E15 permanently rather than by annual waiver. Bridgford for Iowa
What the official record shows
Holds no legislative record this desk can compare: he has served in neither Congress nor the Iowa Legislature, and the Secretary of State's list records his filing for this office on June 1, 2026, the day before the close of the February 23 to June 2 filing period that same document states for No Party and petition candidates. Iowa Secretary of State
His committee's only report of the cycle, the July Quarterly received July 15, 2026, records $189,523.47 in receipts and exactly one contribution from a political committee: $5,000 from the Forward Party, dated June 1, 2026. Federal Election Commission, Federal Election Commission
The same filing itemizes $122,505.25 of the candidate's own money: $22,505.25 in line-11D contributions from him, which the FEC's summary of the cycle puts at $22,671.10, and two loans from him, $60,000 incurred April 20 and $40,000 incurred June 30, 2026, neither repaid. Federal Election Commission, Federal Election Commission
Campaign money from other committees, by type
Other PACs (no organization type recorded) 1 committee
Itemized receipts from political committees in the 2026 cycle filing through June 30, 2026, grouped by the same rule used for the other two candidates: the FEC's recorded organization type or designation of the contributing committee. His filing itemizes one such contribution, $5,000 from the Forward Party, which the FEC records as a qualified hybrid political action committee with no organization type, so it falls in the same row that holds the other candidates' unclassified committees. The single row is the whole table and equals $5,000.00, the FEC summary's other-committee plus party contributions. Every other figure here is a sum of the filing's own itemized rows, not the matching line on the FEC's summary of the cycle, and the two can differ by whatever the filing did not itemize. Not in the table, by the same rule applied to the others: $22,505.25 of itemized line-11D contributions from the candidate, where the summary says $22,671.10; $100,000 in two candidate loans carried on Schedule C; and $61,852.37 of contributions from individuals, of which $15,152.37 is itemized from two limited liability companies.
Race outlook
How election analysts rate this race
Categories are ordered judgments, not win probabilities.
The Stated Record analysisToss-up
Based on 2 verified rating sources. 1 stale or missing rating was excluded.
DemocraticToss-upRepublican
Cook Political ReportToss Up
Cook Political Report assessed this Aug 25, 2026; checked Sep 3, 2026.
Inside ElectionsToss-up · stale
Inside Elections assessed this Dec 5, 2025; checked Sep 3, 2026. Stale ratings are shown for transparency but excluded from our synthesis.
Sabato's Crystal BallToss-up
Sabato's Crystal Ball assessed this Aug 26, 2026; checked Sep 3, 2026.
Our synthesis uses the median-style ordinal rule described in Methodology. It is our analysis, not another independent rating.
What to know
The race in context
Christina Bohannan and Mariannette Miller-Meeks are meeting in a third general election, CBS News reported after the June primary.
X @Bridgford4IowaRead from the link the campaign site's own code carries; the site renders its footer in the browser rather than in the page it serves.
Instagram @bridgfordforiowaRead from the link the campaign site's own code carries; the site renders its footer in the browser rather than in the page it serves.
Profile links show what is public now, not a complete archive. Each link was confirmed through the campaign site unless a note says otherwise. Individual social posts enter the evidence record only with a post URL, date, context, and review note.
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Issue comparison
What each campaign says
These are attributed platform positions, not promises The Stated Record has verified or endorsed.
Her campaign site carries no issues page. Her official economy page blames inflation and household costs on the previous administration's spending and energy policy, and lists her work to end restrictions on energy production, protect hydraulic fracturing and lift limits on liquefied natural gas exports. The page's examples run to 2024 and it names no measure from this Congress.
Her campaign says lowering costs is her first priority: exercising Congress's power to end the tariffs, barring hedge funds and private investors from buying Iowa homes and land, building and rehabilitating housing, letting Medicare negotiate more drug prices and capping insulin at $35 for everyone, cracking down on utility monopolies and on corporate price gouging on groceries and farm inputs.
His campaign says reckless spending under both parties fuelled inflation and that inconsistent tariffs leave families and farmers unable to plan; he would seek stable long-term trade policy, a legal target holding the deficit to 3 percent of GDP or less, and strict pay-as-you-go rules requiring new spending to be offset.
Her official health page, written in the first person as a physician and former director of the Iowa Department of Public Health, lists bills she says she worked on to lower drug costs, including on pharmacy benefit managers, Medicaid enrolment and non-opioid pain treatment. Her September 3, 2026 statement says she is leading a bipartisan bill to cap insulin at $35 a month for people on private insurance.
Her campaign says she would reverse this year's Medicaid cuts, fully extend the Affordable Care Act tax credits, let Iowans buy into Medicare at any age while opposing a single-payer system, cap insulin, epi pens and inhalers at $35, widen Medicare drug negotiation and extend the negotiated prices to private insurance, and add vision, dental, hearing and family-caregiver home health to Medicare.
His campaign says he would require hospitals and insurers to publish exact upfront cash prices with penalties for non-compliance, raise Medicare reimbursement for critical access hospitals in rural counties, mandate site-neutral billing, correct Medicare Advantage overpayments and force transparency on pharmacy benefit managers.
She has no standing position section on this subject, and the positions she has taken on it are in her newsroom. Her campaign site carries no issues page, and across the seven subject pages her official issues index links the words ethics, term limits, campaign finance, Citizens United and dark money do not appear at all, nor do they appear in any headline or summary on her official press-release index from December 4, 2024 to September 3, 2026. Congressional stock trading is the exception, and it appears twice. On November 19, 2025 she called on the House Committee on Administration to advance a ban covering members and their spouses, in her own words "Members of Congress should not be trading individual stocks while writing laws and receiving nonpublic briefings." She is one of the cosponsors of the Restore Trust in Congress Act, H.R. 5106 of the 119th Congress, which sits in that committee. A July 22, 2026 release, carried on her delivering-results page as well, says the House passed the Stop Insider Trading Act, which it describes as led by her.
Her campaign says she takes no corporate PAC money and would ban stock trading by members of Congress, the executive branch and Supreme Court justices with divestment, pass an amendment reversing Citizens United, institute term limits and age caps, create an independent congressional ethics agency, bar members and their families from lobbying, and open primaries to independents through the Let America Vote Act.
His campaign makes this his central theme: a four-term cap for House members by constitutional amendment, a ban on members and their families trading individual stocks, an amendment reversing Citizens United with 24-hour disclosure of donations over $10,000 in the meantime, a 72-hour rule to read spending bills, a pledge to vote against omnibus packages, and a blind trust for his own investments.
Her official energy page says she led efforts to allow the sale of E15 in Iowa and nationwide, alongside her work on domestic energy production; her newsroom records her voting for H.R. 1346 to authorize year-round nationwide E15 on May 13, 2026. Neither her campaign site nor her official issues index carries a page on agriculture or the farm bill.
Her campaign says Iowa has lost 30,000 family farms to consolidation, that tariffs and trade wars threaten farms more than in many years, and that input costs on seed and fertiliser reflect monopoly practices; she would direct farm policy to independent family operations and pursue the companies squeezing them.
His campaign says he grew up on a seventh-generation family farm and would fight for a family-farm-first farm bill safeguarding crop insurance and raising loan limits for beginning farmers, enforce antitrust law against seed, fertiliser and meatpacking concentration, permanently authorize year-round nationwide E15, and ban farmland purchases by foreign adversaries.
Her official education page says every American child deserves access to a quality education and lists bills she says she worked on: loan counselling before federal student loans are disbursed, letting states use unspent recovery funds for school security, a tax-credit school choice measure she cosponsored, and reauthorizing children's mental and behavioural health programmes.
Her campaign says Iowa once ranked first in public education and now suffers funding shortfalls, and opposes the state and national voucher plans she says her opponent supports; she would reinvest at every level from pre-K to universities and apprenticeships, focus on rural and small-town schools, expand career and technical education, and guarantee school and summer lunch.
His campaign says Iowa's national education ranking fell to 27th in the 2026 Kids Count Data Book, with 71 percent of fourth graders not proficient in reading and 73 percent of eighth graders not proficient in maths; he would back federal unified waiver programmes that cut reporting requirements and send the money to classrooms to reduce class sizes, protect electives and fund literacy training.
No position on water quality, nitrate or Iowa's cancer rate appears in the scope this desk searched: the seven subject pages her official issues index links, which are delivering results, border security, economy, health, energy, veterans and education; every page of her official press-release index, headline and summary for each item, from the newest item of September 3, 2026 back to December 4, 2024; her campaign site, which carries no issues page and whose news list ends on December 6, 2024; and her own posts on X from both of her accounts, her campaign account and her official office account, 204 items and 146, 350 in all, posts and replies together, published from July 1, 2026 to the retrieval on September 13, 2026 and collected in full, each account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap. Nitrate, water quality, drinking water and PFAS return nothing in any of them, and neither do conservation, environment, climate, pesticide, runoff or contamination in the posts. The word cancer appears eight times on the issue pages and twelve times on the press index, each time in a breast-cancer measure, a cancer-screening provision or an awareness item, and never in connection with Iowa's rate or its causes; it appears four times in the posts, twice on her breast-cancer bill, once on cancer care funded through a rural health programme and once on a general commitment to cancer research, prevention and early detection, and in none of them on Iowa's rate or its causes. The word water appears in four of the posts, and in none of them as a question of quality: a tour of a surface water treatment plant where she says she talked through affordability and utility rates for rural communities, a speech on inland waterways as trade infrastructure, a steel mill's reuse of water on a manufacturing tour, and free watermelon at a county fair. The word land appears in three, on the estate tax and family farms, on Independence Day, and in a tribute to a farm advocate.
Her campaign says Iowa ranks highest in the country for cancer growth and ties that to water and chemical exposure; among what she would fight for she lists action to reduce PFAS and other chemicals in the water, alongside protecting family farms from corporate consolidation and the state's natural resources.
His campaign says Iowa has the second-highest cancer rate in the nation and the highest in the Midwest; he would oppose liability shields for pesticide manufacturers, expand Environmental Quality Incentives Program funding for voluntary conservation to cut nitrate runoff, press for state rebates for radon mitigation and reverse osmosis systems, and fund federal investigation of Iowa's cancer clusters.
Her official veterans page, which opens on her 24 years in the Army, says she will continue to champion veterans' needs and lists bills on VA accountability, suicide prevention, cannabis research, mammography screening and breast imaging, and a vote for the largest military pay raise in twenty years. She chairs the Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on Health.
On the use of military force she has taken a position; on veterans' affairs this desk finds none. Her statement of January 3, 2026 on the strikes against Venezuela says "we should all be concerned about continued offensive military measures" taken without congressional authorization against a country that poses no immediate threat, and that "there should be no American troops on the ground in Venezuela." None of the eight sections of her campaign priorities page is about veterans or the military: they are costs, government, health care, education, family farms and natural resources, seniors and Social Security, freedom, and a family friendly economy. Across the 45 items her site serves through its own content interface, 29 posts that are its news archive, 8 pages and 8 priorities, the word veteran appears in two posts: a news item on the road of honour to the national cemetery in Keokuk, and her campaign announcement, where it names cuts she attributes to her opponent rather than a position of her own.
On the military he has spoken, and in his own posts rather than on his site. Writing on July 16, 2026 about a request for defence funding, he said "Here we are needing ~$80b in defense funding when less than a yr ago we had ~$90b in “use or lose” Pentagon $." and that "IMO the uniparty just doesn’t care". On July 14, 2026, on the engagement with Iran, he wrote that "it’s a lot easier to get in than it is to get out", called that a lesson that should have been learned "from our prior entanglements in the Middle East", and added "My thoughts are with our troops in harms way and hope that they all come home safely - and soon." On veterans' own affairs this desk finds no position. None appears in the eleven issue panels of his campaign issues page, which cover representation, affordability, term limits and campaign finance, Social Security, corruption, the Constitution, water and education, health care, agriculture, artificial intelligence and manufacturing; searching his site's News page for veteran returns nothing either, and so does searching the whole JavaScript bundle the site serves, which carries the text of every page, zero occurrences in its 587,449 bytes; and across his 451 posts and replies, published from July 1, 2026 to the retrieval on September 13, 2026 and collected in full, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap, veteran appears once, in an August 1, 2026 post recording that he met a veteran frustrated with politics in Washington at the Des Moines County Fair, which is an encounter and not a position. VA, GI Bill, TRICARE, National Guard, servicemember and deployment return nothing in those posts.
Her position is on the taxation of Social Security benefits, and it is in her official newsroom rather than on her issue pages. She sponsored H.R. 7550 of the 119th Congress, the Permanent Tax Relief for Seniors Act, introduced February 12, 2026 with three cosponsors and referred to Ways and Means, which would remove the 2028 expiry from the $6,000 seniors deduction that the Working Families Tax Cuts created; her release that day quotes her saying "My bill ensures those savings don’t expire, because seniors have earned the right to keep more of what they worked their whole lives for." Her February 9, 2026 release carries the same subject, and a February 6 event item from Pella carries the deduction without naming Social Security. On the solvency of the trust funds this desk finds no position: the words solvency and trust fund appear on none of her seven issue pages, in none of those three releases, and in no headline or summary on her official press-release index from December 4, 2024 to September 3, 2026.
Her campaign says seniors have earned and depend on Social Security and Medicare and that she would shore up the trust funds to fully fund them for future generations, oppose cuts and privatisation, let Iowans buy into Medicare at any age, widen Medicare drug negotiation, and add dental, vision, hearing and family-caregiver home health coverage.
His campaign says the 2026 Trustees Report puts depletion of the retirement fund at 2032 with an automatic cut of up to 24 percent; he would lift the payroll tax cap above $184,500, vote against changes for current retirees and anyone within ten years of retirement, slow benefit growth for the wealthiest 5 percent of future retirees, and put a legal lockbox around the trust funds.
On unions and collective bargaining her position is in her official newsroom. A joint statement she and Representative Eric Sorensen released on April 16, 2026, after the Army announced the cancellation of its collective bargaining agreements with the American Federation of Government Employees, says "The workers who support our armed forces should have the right to join a union and collectively bargain for fair wages and working conditions. We will continue to advocate for Rock Island Arsenal employees against this decision to end the Department of War's collective bargaining agreements." On the minimum wage this desk finds no position: minimum wage appears on none of her seven issue pages and in no headline or summary on her official press-release index from December 4, 2024 to September 3, 2026. Her official economy page addresses manufacturing through a bill directing a study of making critical-infrastructure goods in the United States.
Her campaign's only plank on work and wages is one line in its cost-of-living list: growing Iowa's economy to increase jobs and wages while continuing to invest in organized labor and union protected man hours. Her education section adds skills training and apprenticeships and career and technical education. The priorities page carries no position on the minimum wage, prevailing wages or the right to organize, and it ties layoffs at the John Deere Bettendorf plant to tariffs and trade uncertainty.
His campaign says a journeyman's card is as valuable as a master's degree and he would expand federal tax credits for southeast Iowa employers and labour organizations that train apprentices in earn-and-learn union programmes, enforce Buy American provisions against waivers for foreign steel and aluminium, and strip tax relief from firms that outsource Iowa manufacturing.
Her official border security page sets out a series of figures on the previous administration's border record and lists her votes for the SAVE Act requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote and for the Laken Riley Act requiring ICE to arrest people charged with theft offences, and her cosponsorship of a bill making it a crime to flee a pursuing officer.
Her position is in her own posts rather than on her campaign site. On July 6, 2026, quoting a post of her opponent's about border policies, she wrote "Miller-Meeks knows I disagreed with Biden on immigration and that I have always said we must secure the border." and said her opponent had heard it directly from her, sitting across a table, on live television during their last debate. That is the only post on the subject among the 179 her account published from July 1, 2026 to the retrieval on September 13, 2026, collected in full and exhausted rather than stopped at a cap; immigrat, border, deport, migrant and asylum return nothing in the other 178, and ICE never appears there as the agency's name. Her site carries nothing on it: no section on immigration or the border appears among the eight sections of her campaign priorities page, and this desk read her whole site through its own content interface, all 45 items it serves, 29 posts that are its news archive, 8 pages and 8 priorities, where immigrat, border and deport return nothing and ICE never appears as the agency's name either. The campaign's own framing of freedom covers speech, property, education, health care decisions and reproductive rights rather than immigration.
His campaign issues page carries no immigration panel, but his site's News page carries his own words on the border: it reproduces his answer on WHBF's 4 The Record of August 23, 2026: "I believe we need a secure border. I think that's a policy that Republicans support." The same answer pairs that with stepping away from the trade wars, which he calls a policy Democrats support. A second item on that page, a WHO 13 interview of April 16, 2026, lists immigration among the subjects he discussed. The eleven issue panels themselves name neither immigration nor the border; the closest thing in them is a pledge in his agriculture panel to ban foreign adversaries, naming China and Russia, from buying American farmland.
The number of cards varies with what each candidate's official record supports, and every card carries the same required parts: what they say, what the official record shows, one label from the fixed list, and its limit. Each card is labeled narrowly, by rule. A single vote, sponsorship, or filing can match one claim without proving a candidate's whole record, and a card never says why someone did something.
Her official statement says she is leading a bipartisan bill to cap insulin at $35 a month for people on private insurance, and that in 2022 she was one of only twelve Republicans who voted to pass the Affordable Insulin Now Act.
“In 2022, I was one of only 12 Republicans to cross party lines and vote to pass the Affordable Insulin Now Act, capping insulin at $35 a month for Medicare seniors.”
The Clerk's roll call for March 31, 2022 records the House passing H.R. 6833, the Affordable Insulin Now Act, 232 to 193 (Roll Call 102), with exactly twelve Republicans voting Yea, and she is one of the twelve. As the House passed it, the bill capped cost-sharing at $35 a month under both private insurance and the Medicare drug benefit; it never became law in that form, and its bill number was later used for an unrelated appropriations act. The $35 Medicare insulin cap that is law came from section 11406 of the Inflation Reduction Act, Public Law 117-169, on which she voted Nay when the House agreed to the Senate amendment 220 to 207 on August 12, 2022 (Roll Call 420). She is one of seven cosponsors of the INSULIN Act of 2026, H.R. 10227, recorded as an original cosponsor on the day Representative DeGette introduced it, September 2, 2026; it sits in committee.
Limit: The countable part of her claim is exactly right: twelve Republicans voted Yea on that roll call and she was one. Two things the statement does not say are on the record beside it. The bill she voted for did not become law, and the act that did put a $35 cap on insulin for Medicare beneficiaries is one she voted against. On the 2026 bill she is an original cosponsor, not its sponsor. Whether a cap is good policy, and whether her reason for the 2022 vote against the larger act was insulin, are not questions this card assesses.
Her official issues page says she championed the SERVICE Act, directing the VA to provide mammogram screening for veterans who served where burn pits and other toxic exposure occurred, and that the bill passed the House and was signed into law.
“I championed the SERVICE Act: a bill that would direct the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) to provide mammogram screening for female veterans who served in areas associated with burn pits and other toxic exposure. This bill passed the House and was signed into law.”
The SERVICE Act became law. She sponsored the House bill, H.R. 4571, the SERVICE Act of 2021, introduced July 20, 2021 with nineteen cosponsors; its last recorded action is referral to the Subcommittee on Health on September 8, 2021, so her own bill never reached the floor. The act that was enacted is the Senate companion, S. 2102, the Dr. Kate Hendricks Thomas SERVICE Act, sponsored by Senator Boozman: the House passed it 418 to 0 under suspension on May 18, 2022 (Roll Call 228) and it became Public Law 117-133 on June 7, 2022. Its enacted text carries the mammography screening directive her page describes. This desk also read the whole enacted text of the PACT Act, Public Law 117-168, because that act is the usual home for toxic-exposure provisions, and found no mammography or breast-cancer provision in it.
Limit: The subject became law and she sponsored the House bill on it, so "championed" holds and so does "passed the House and was signed into law" about the SERVICE Act. The bill that passed and was signed was the Senate's, not hers; hers stopped at a subcommittee. The check read the enacted text of both public laws named here and the action history of her own bill. Whether the screening the act directs has reached Iowa veterans is a question about administration, which this card does not assess.
Health care and veterans: what "I introduced" covers
Matches stated direction
What they say
Her official issues pages say she introduced two bills, the Accelerating Kids' Access to Care Act and the MAMMO for Veterans Act.
“I introduced H.R. 4758, the Accelerating Kids’ Access to Care Act: A bipartisan bill passed by the House to reduce barriers for children with complex medical conditions, facilitating access to out-of-state care by streamlining the Medicaid provider enrollment process.”
Congress.gov records one sponsor for each bill, and it is not her. H.R. 4758 was introduced by Representative Lori Trahan on July 19, 2023; Miller-Meeks is recorded as its first cosponsor and its only original cosponsor, added the same day, of 124 cosponsors in all. The bill passed the House by voice vote on September 17, 2024 and was received in the Senate, as her page says. H.R. 4794, the Making Advances in Mammography and Medical Options for Veterans Act, was introduced by Representative Julia Brownley on July 29, 2021, with Miller-Meeks again the first cosponsor and the only original one, of twenty-three in all; that bill's last action is a subcommittee hearing, and the act became law as the Senate companion S. 2533, Public Law 117-135. Across the 117th, 118th and 119th Congresses she sponsored 129 bills and resolutions, and neither of these two is among them. Both bills were co-led, and her own releases at the time say so. Her release of May 18, 2022 records that in July of 2021 she, Brownley and Boozman joined Senator Jon Tester, the chair of the Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee, to introduce the MAMMO for Veterans Act. Her release of September 17, 2024 says she and Trahan "celebrated passage of their" Accelerating Kids’ Access to Care Act, quotes her on "Our legislation", and quotes Trahan calling it "my bipartisan Accelerating Kids’ Access to Care Act". The Sponsor field on Congress.gov names exactly one member for a bill by design, so it cannot record a co-lead.
Limit: The Sponsor field names Trahan on one bill and Brownley on the other, so on the official record she is not the sponsor of either. What the record does establish is that she was the sole original cosponsor of each on the day it was introduced, the only member either sponsor brought aboard at that point, which is how a co-lead appears in that record, and that her own releases of 2022 and 2024 describe both bills as jointly introduced, the second in Trahan's words as well as hers. On that evidence this desk does not find the word introduced false, and does not find it confirmed either: what the record supports is that the claim runs the same way as her part in the two bills. On the paired SERVICE Act the roles were reversed, with her as sponsor and Brownley as first cosponsor. The same pages use "I cosponsored" accurately elsewhere, and other "I introduced" claims on them are correct, including H.R. 8111 and the Critical Infrastructure Manufacturing Feasibility Act. This card is about attribution, not about whether either bill was worth passing.
Government accountability: a congressional stock-trading ban
Matches stated direction
What they say
Her campaign account says she wrote legislation to ban congressional stock trading. Her office separately says the House passed such a ban led by her.
“I don't own a single individual stock. I wrote legislation to ban congressional stock trading. If you write the laws, you shouldn't profit from them.”
Across the 117th, 118th and 119th Congresses she sponsored 129 bills and resolutions, and none of them concerns congressional stock trading. Both bills on the subject that carry her name are someone else's. H.R. 7008, the Stop Insider Trading Act, was introduced by Representative Bryan Steil on January 12, 2026; she is an original cosponsor recorded that day, 36th of 93 in the listed order and 36th of the 72 original cosponsors, and she voted Yea when the House passed it 232 to 198 on July 22, 2026 (Roll Call 280). It was placed on the Senate calendar on August 6, 2026 and is not law. H.R. 5106, the Restore Trust in Congress Act, was introduced by Representative Chip Roy on September 3, 2025; she is not an original cosponsor of it and joined on September 11, 2025, 47th of 142. Her office's own releases describe her role three ways, and none of them is authorship. The release of November 19, 2025 states plainly that she is a cosponsor of the Restore Trust in Congress Act, and records a letter she sent to Chairman Bryan Steil and Ranking Member Joe Morelle asking the Committee to unify the proposals that already existed into one enforceable reform, naming a full ban on individual stock trading by members and spouses, blind trusts or index funds as the alternative, and uniform enforcement with real penalties; Steil introduced H.R. 7008 fifty-four days later. The release of July 22, 2026 is headed House Passes Miller-Meeks Backed Bill to Ban Congressional Stock Trading, and its first sentence calls the bill led by her, so her office's headline and its lede do not agree with each other. She does not sit on the Committee on House Administration, which both bills were referred to, and that committee's report on H.R. 7008, H. Rept. 119-479 of February 3, 2026, does not name her anywhere, and does not mention Iowa: it credits the introduction to Steil, and the substitute amendment adopted at markup to Steil. She uses the same verb accurately about a bill that is hers: on August 26, 2026 she posted that she wrote the Billion Dollar Boondoggle Act, and she is its sponsor.
Limit: The official actions behind this label are two cosponsorships and a Yea vote when the House passed a ban 232 to 198, and the desk names them because the label requires it. On the word wrote, the record is not silent by accident: it holds sponsorship, cosponsorship, committee action and floor statements, and it records who drafted a bill nowhere, for any member, because most bill text is drafted by the Legislative Counsel at a member's request. A claim to have written legislation is therefore one the official record can neither confirm nor refute, here or anywhere, and this desk does not treat a record that cannot test a claim as a record that defeats it. What the record can show is set out above and a reader can weigh it: no bill of her own on the subject across 129 bills and resolutions, 36th of the seventy-two original cosponsors filed the same day on H.R. 7008, not an original cosponsor of H.R. 5106 at all, her own office calling her a cosponsor under a headline calling it a bill she backed, and a committee report that does not name her on a committee she does not sit on. It also shows the nearest documented thing to authorship: seven weeks before H.R. 7008 existed she wrote to its eventual sponsor, the chairman of that committee, asking him to build a package whose contents it partly matches. The post claims she wrote legislation on a subject. It does not claim any bill of hers passed, and this card does not read it as though it did. The post also carries a video this desk did not watch. What the ban would cover is a question about the bill's text, which this card does not assess.
H.R. 6703, the Lower Health Care Premiums for All Americans Act, is her own bill: she is its sponsor and introduced it on December 15, 2025. The House passed it 216 to 211 on December 17, 2025 (Roll Call 349), having rejected a motion to recommit 210 to 218 the same day, and the Senate received it on December 18. It is not law. Its second title, Lowering Health Care Premiums for Everyone, has two sections. Section 201 writes oversight of entities that provide pharmacy benefit management services into the Public Health Service Act, the Employee Retirement Income Security Act and the Internal Revenue Code: for plan years beginning thirty months after enactment such an entity would have to report to the group health plan it serves at least every six months, in plain language and in a machine-readable format, and no plan, issuer or such entity could contract with anyone who would limit or delay the information those reports require. The bill never uses the phrase pharmacy benefit manager; its own term is an entity providing pharmacy benefit management services, and the words pharmacy benefit appear 88 times in the text the House passed. Spread pricing appears nowhere in it, and it carries no divestiture or ownership provision. Section 202 permanently appropriates the cost-sharing reduction payments of section 1402 of the Affordable Care Act for plan years beginning January 1, 2027, and bars those funds from any qualified health plan that covers abortion, except where the pregnancy threatens the mother's life or results from rape or incest. The first title, Improving Health Care Options for Workers, is association health plans, an exclusion from the definition of health insurance coverage for certain medical stop-loss insurance, and health reimbursement arrangements.
Limit: The bill is hers, the House did pass it, and its second title is about pharmacy benefit managers, which is what the drug middlemen names. Two things the record does not carry. It is not law: it passed one chamber and has sat in the Senate since December 18, 2025. And what section 201 does to those entities is require them to disclose, twice a year, in a form the health plan can read; the text the House passed bans no practice and breaks up nothing, so that verb is the post's characterization of a reporting requirement. The post names the middlemen only, and section 202 is the part of the same title with the plainest effect on premiums and the sharpest politics: it funds the Affordable Care Act's cost-sharing reductions permanently and withholds that money from plans covering abortion. Whether the bill would lower premiums is a question about its effects, which this card does not assess.
Seniors: the elder-abuse bill she says she helped pass
Matches stated record claim
What they say
Her campaign says she worked on a bipartisan bill at the Statehouse to prevent abuse against Iowa's seniors and helped pass it.
“At the Statehouse, I worked on a bipartisan bill to prevent abuse against Iowa’s seniors. I worked closely with many senior organizations and learned more about the unique challenges our seniors face. I was delighted to help pass a bill to crack down on physical, emotional, and financial abuse against our elder Iowans.”
Senate File 522 of the 89th General Assembly relates to older individuals and dependent adults and creates criminal offenses and civil actions with penalties. The Legislature's bill history names her as one of the three members of its first House subcommittee on March 10, 2021, Hite, Bohannan and Kaufmann, and records that subcommittee recommending passage 3 to 0 on March 25, 2021. The bill then stopped: the history marks the end of the 2021 actions with no committee report and no House floor vote. On February 28, 2022 the House named a second subcommittee on the same bill, Hite, Anderson and Kaufmann, which did not include her; it recommended passage 3 to 0 on March 3, 2022, the committee reported the bill on March 15 and the House passed it, as amended, 96 to 0 on March 23, 2022. The Senate had passed it 47 to 0 on March 9, 2021, and the history carries an effective date of July 1, 2022. She is not a sponsor or floor manager of it: the Legislature's sponsor-or-floor-manager list for her carries 33 other measures.
Limit: She says she worked on the bill and helped pass it, and the official history shows both: a named seat on the subcommittee that first recommended it, and a bill that passed and took effect. Her seat did not carry it to the floor. The bill advanced no further in 2021, and the subcommittee that moved it in 2022, to the committee report and the floor, did not include her. She did not sponsor or floor-manage it, and the House vote was 96 to 0, so no single member's support decided it. This desk read the bill history and not the House Journal page for March 23, 2022, so her individual floor vote is not separately confirmed here.
In her single term she was a sponsor of three 2021 bills on testing water for lead: House File 504, on using grants-to-counties money for lead and copper testing in water supply systems, introduced February 15 and referred to Environmental Protection; House File 569, on water bottle filling stations and lead testing in school districts, introduced February 17 and referred to Education; and House File 594, on lead testing in water systems serving child care facilities and schools, introduced February 18 and referred to Education. She was the last-named of between four and six sponsors on each. None has any action recorded after its referral, and the histories close with the end of the 2021 session.
Limit: The three sponsorships move in the direction her platform states, on a narrower subject: they are about testing for lead and copper, while the platform sentence names PFAS, which none of them mentions. None became law, and the Iowa House was held by the other party in both years of her term, so no inference about her effectiveness follows from that. Nothing here is a federal record, because she has none.
Work and wages: wage collection and misclassification
Matches stated direction
What they say
Her campaign's list of what she would do to lower costs ends with growing Iowa's economy to raise jobs and wages while continuing to invest in organized labour.
“Growing Iowa’s economy to increase jobs and wages while continuing to invest in organized labor and union protected man hours”
Two of the five bills she sponsored alone are on exactly this: House File 634, on wage payment collection issues between employers and employees, providing penalties and remedies, and House File 635, increasing penalties for employers who willfully misclassify employees for unemployment compensation purposes. Both were introduced on February 23, 2021 and referred to the Labor committee, and neither has any action recorded after that referral.
Limit: Two bills she wrote alone address wage collection and employee misclassification, which runs the same way as a platform line about raising wages and investing in organized labour. The match is at the level of direction and no closer: the platform names neither subject, and it takes no position on the minimum wage, prevailing wages or the right to organize, so nothing here is a match on specifics. Neither bill left committee, so there is no vote or outcome to weigh. This card sets a state record beside a federal platform, which is the only comparison her record allows.
The government section of her campaign priorities page says she takes no corporate PAC money and would reject the influence of money and special interests in Congress.
Her committee's itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026 carry no contribution from any committee the FEC records as corporation-connected, and none from a corporation without capital stock: those two rows are missing from her money table because the filing has nothing to put in them. What it does itemize from committees is $93,500 from 17 labour organization PACs, $48,490 from 11 membership organization PACs, $34,400 from 17 other candidates' committees, $10,720.79 from 3 party committees, $5,000 from one trade association PAC, and $310,537.50 from 79 committees for which the FEC records no organization type at all. Over the same period the incumbent's filing itemizes $706,425.00 from 213 corporation-connected PACs and $11,000 from 2 corporations without capital stock.
No itemized contribution from a corporation-connected PAC, against $706,425.00 from 213 such committees itemized by the incumbent's committee over the same period.
Amounts are what the filings record, grouped by the FEC's own committee types. They are not a measure of a candidate's independence, and no contribution here is placed beside any position as its cause.
Limit: The claim is checkable and the filing bears it out on the FEC's own classification: not one itemized contribution from a committee the FEC records as connected to a corporation. The check is only as fine as that classification. 79 of the committees that gave to her carry no recorded organization type, $310,537.50 in all, so this desk cannot say what each of them is. A trade association PAC gave $5,000, and a trade association is a business organization, though the FEC does not record it as corporation-connected. The $2,678,013.78 conduit row is money individuals earmarked through a fundraising platform rather than committee money, and the $856,878.72 of transfers comes from joint fundraising committees. Whether any of that amounts to corporate money is not a question the filings answer, and this desk does not answer it either.
His campaign says that unlike his opponents he takes no money from lobbies, big tech or leadership funds, and that his campaign is built by people.
“Unlike my opponents, who are supported by millions of dollars from the foreign-interest lobby, healthcare lobby, big tech, crypto/AI corporations, and D.C. leadership funds, my campaign is built by people. I am not bought, paid for, or beholden to anyone but the voters of the First District.”
His committee's July Quarterly, received July 15, 2026 and covering April 1 to June 30, 2026, itemizes one contribution from a political committee across the whole cycle: $5,000 from the Forward Party on June 1, 2026, which the FEC records as a qualified hybrid political action committee. No contribution from a corporation-connected, trade association, leadership or party committee appears in it. Of $189,523.47 in receipts, $122,505.25 is his own money as the filing itemizes it: $22,505.25 in contributions from the candidate, which the FEC's summary of the cycle puts at $22,671.10, and two candidate loans of $60,000 and $40,000, neither repaid. Contributions from individuals total $61,852.37, of which $14,000 came from one limited liability company in four same-day contributions and $1,152.37 from another. The other two committees' filings over the same cycle itemize $2,421,206.95 and $502,648.29 in committee and party contributions.
One committee contribution of $5,000, against $2,421,206.95 and $502,648.29 of committee and party contributions itemized by the two major-party committees over the same period.
Amounts are what the filings record, grouped by the FEC's own committee types. They are not a measure of a candidate's independence, and no contribution here is placed beside any position as its cause.
Limit: The specific list he names is borne out: his filing itemizes no lobby, corporate, trade or leadership-PAC money at all. Two things sit beside that. One political committee did contribute, the Forward Party's $5,000, and this desk does not rule on whether a party's own hybrid PAC counts as a special interest. And "built by people" is measured against a filing in which 64.6 percent of receipts is his own money as that filing itemizes it, including $100,000 in loans he has not been repaid. His first report covers a full quarter while his opponents' cover the six weeks after the primary, so period-to-period comparisons here are not like for like.
Government accountability: term limits and a trading ban
Not comparable yet
What they say
His campaign says he would vote for a constitutional amendment capping House service at four terms and for a ban on members trading individual stocks.
“I will support and vote for a Constitutional Amendment strictly limiting U.S. Representatives to four terms (eight years) and U.S. Senators to two terms (twelve years) to end the era of career politicians.”
There is no official legislative record to set beside this. He has held no seat in Congress or the Iowa Legislature, so no roll call, sponsorship or cosponsorship exists in his name; the Iowa Secretary of State's candidate list is the only government record of him this desk found, and his FEC candidate record carries 2026 as his only election year. A stock-trading ban did pass the House on July 22, 2026 without him, since he is not a member.
Limit: A pledge about future votes cannot be checked against a record that does not exist. He has never held office, so this desk records the pledge and the absence of any comparable action, and nothing more. That absence is not a finding about him; it is what a first candidacy looks like in the official record.
His campaign says he would back legislation permanently allowing year-round nationwide sale of E15 instead of annual emergency waivers.
“Instead of relying on temporary, year-to-year emergency EPA waivers, I will support legislation to permanently allow the year-round, nationwide sale of E15 ethanol.”
He holds no office and has cast no vote, so there is no action of his to compare. The bill his sentence describes exists and moved during this Congress: H.R. 1346, the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act of 2025, passed the House 218 to 203 on May 13, 2026 (Roll Call 164) and went to the Senate. He was not a member and had no vote on it.
Limit: The card shows the bill the statement describes and its recorded vote so a reader can see what the position refers to, but he took no part in it and this desk claims no comparison. Whether he would have voted Yea is not something any record can answer.
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Campaign finance
FEC snapshot through Jun 30, 2026
Principal campaign committees only. Receipts and disbursements are the election-cycle-to-date figures, Column B on each filing's summary page; cash on hand and debt are period-end figures. All are carried by reports ending on the same date, although the individual report periods start on different dates. Money is not a score of candidate quality or voter support.
Mariannette Miller-Meeks: July Quarterly 2026, coverage May 14, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 15, 2026, file 1994817, image 202607159875358125.
Christina Bohannan: July Quarterly 2026, coverage May 14, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 15, 2026, file 1994960, image 202607159875377203.
Michael Bridgford: July Quarterly 2026, coverage Apr 1, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 15, 2026, file 1994648, image 202607159875316403.
Retrieved from OpenFEC on Sep 13, 2026. FEC amendments can revise these committee-reported figures.
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Chronology
How the field took shape
Bohannan filed
The Iowa Secretary of State's candidate list records Christina Bohannan's filing date for United States Representative District 1 as February 25, 2026, the earliest of the three.
The same list records Michael Bridgford's filing date as June 1, 2026, the day before the close of the February 23 to June 2 filing period the document states for No Party and petition candidates.
The Iowa Secretary of State's candidate list for the November 3, 2026 general election, stamped last updated August 19, 2026 at 1:36 PM, showed three candidates for the first district when The Stated Record read it on September 13: Mariannette Miller-Meeks, Christina Bohannan and Michael Bridgford.
Iowa Secretary of State. The document is stamped last updated 8/19/2026 1:36 PM. Its United States Representative District 1 block lists Republican Mariannette Miller-Meeks (filed 3/6/2026), Democratic Christina Bohannan (filed 2/25/2026) and No Party Michael Bridgford (filed 6/1/2026), in that order, which is the ballot order this desk follows. Every page of the document carries the same header line on filing: the period for federal and state offices for No Party and petition candidates runs February 23 to June 2 at 5:00 p.m.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Official biography: 24 years in the Army as a private, nurse and doctor; director of the Iowa Department of Public Health from 2010 to 2014; Iowa Senate District 41 from 2018, resigned January 2, 2021; Energy and Commerce, and chair of the Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on Health.
Congress.gov. 129 sponsored bills and resolutions plus 5 floor amendments, and 1,224 cosponsorships, across the 117th, 118th and 119th Congresses; terms recorded for the second district in the 117th and the first in the 118th and 119th. Eleven sponsored bills reached the Senate; none has a latest action of becoming law. Pulled 2026-09-13.
Miller-Meeks for Congress. The campaign site answered a plain request directly. It carries a biography and the phrase Proven Conservative but no issues or platform page: its navigation is About, Media, Triple-M Tour, News, Events, Voting Information and Donate, and its newest news item is dated December 6, 2024. Cited on this desk for her own biography and for the absence of a campaign platform.
Miller-Meeks for Congress. The campaign site's own news list: six items, the newest dated December 6, 2024, all six about the 2024 election. Read for the scope of the searches behind the silences recorded against her. Nitrate, water quality, drinking water, PFAS, cancer, minimum wage, collective bargaining, union, Social Security, solvency, trust fund and veteran appear nowhere on it.
X. Handle confirmed through the link in the campaign site's own footer, read live on September 13, 2026. Her campaign account, and a separate account from her official office account. Cited as the scope of a search behind a silence recorded against her: its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 13, 2026, 204 items, of which 12 are replies, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. Her official office account, a separate account from the campaign account her campaign site links. The handle was read from the link on her own official House site, https://millermeeks.house.gov/, fetched live on September 13, 2026. Cited as the scope of a search behind a silence recorded against her: its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 13, 2026, 146 items, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. Her own post on the campaign account her site links. Collected on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform on September 14, 2026 before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, the same publication time, and one entry in its edit history. The post also carries a video, which this desk did not watch; the words quoted are in the post's own text.
X. Her own post on the campaign account her site links. Collected on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform on September 14, 2026 before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, the same publication time, and one entry in its edit history. The post also carries a video, which this desk did not watch; the words quoted are in the post's own text.
X. Her own post on the campaign account her site links, cited for the one thing it settles: that she says I wrote about a bill she sponsored. Collected on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform on September 14, 2026 before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, the same publication time, and one entry in its edit history.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. The index links seven subject pages and no others: delivering results, border security, economy, health, energy, veterans and education. Cited on this desk as one part of the scope behind a position recorded as not found on her; the other parts are her official press-release index and her campaign site, because a search of the issue pages alone is not a search of what she has said.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. First-person account of her work on energy production and manufacturing, including the Critical Infrastructure Manufacturing Feasibility Act. Its examples run to 2024 and it names no measure from the 119th Congress.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Lists bills she says she introduced or cosponsored to lower drug costs, including H.R. 4758 and H.R. 8111. The page's claim about H.R. 4758 is the statement side of the attribution card.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Carries the sentence "I led efforts to allow the sale of E15 fuel in Iowa and around the nation." and links a May 13, 2026 release recording her vote for H.R. 1346.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Opens on her Army service and lists her work for veterans, including the SERVICE Act and the MAMMO for Veterans Act. Both claims are quoted on cards.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Carries the sentence "I believe every American child deserves access to a quality education." and lists four measures on student loans, school security, education choice and children's mental health.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Sets out border figures attributed to the previous administration and lists her votes for the SAVE Act and the Laken Riley Act, with the claim that the latter passed the House and was signed into law.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Carries the July 22, 2026 release saying the House passed the Stop Insider Trading Act, described there as led by her. This is the only place on her campaign site or official issue pages where congressional stock trading appears; her newsroom carries an earlier item on it, from November 19, 2025.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her own quoted statement on the INSULIN Act of 2026, including the claim that she was one of only twelve Republicans to vote for the Affordable Insulin Now Act in 2022.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her official newsroom, and the scope this desk should have searched for the first draft. The index is paginated with a Next link and no page numbers, ten items to a page, each item a headline, a date and an opening summary. This desk read it page by page from the newest item of September 3, 2026 back through the address ?page=20, whose oldest item is December 4, 2024, which covers the whole of this Congress. An index sweep reads headlines and summaries; where a term turned up, the release itself was opened and read.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. The page of that index covering February 5 to February 17, 2026. Three of its ten items are on the seniors deduction, dated February 12, February 9 and February 6, 2026; the first two carry Social Security in their headlines and summaries and the third, an event in Pella, does not use the phrase. The first draft's claim that a search of her press index for Social Security returned nothing rested on the first page of the index alone.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her own quoted words on the Permanent Tax Relief for Seniors Act, which she introduced that day with Representatives Anna Paulina Luna and Gus Bilirakis. The subject is the taxation of Social Security benefits and the 2028 expiry of the $6,000 seniors deduction; the words solvency and trust fund do not appear on it.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. The second Social Security item on that index page. It sets out the $6,000 deduction and quotes her twice on seniors keeping what they earned; like the February 12 release it says nothing about solvency or the trust funds.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Issued after the Army announced the cancellation of collective bargaining agreements with the American Federation of Government Employees. It is a joint statement of hers and Representative Eric Sorensen's, written in the first person plural for the two of them, and it is the only place in the scope this desk searched where she takes a position on unions or collective bargaining.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her letter to the chair and ranking member of the House Committee on Administration asking for a stock-trading ban covering members and their spouses, with blind trusts or index funds as the alternative and uniform enforcement, and her own quoted words on it. The release also records her cosponsorship of the Restore Trust in Congress Act and says neither she nor her husband owns individual stocks. Found by reading her press-release index page by page, which the first draft did not do; it is the earlier of the two places congressional stock trading appears in her newsroom.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her office's release on the passage of H.R. 7008, reprinted on her Delivering Results issues page, which is where this desk first read it. Cited on its own because its headline and its first sentence describe her role differently: the headline calls it a Miller-Meeks backed bill, the lede says the bill is led by her. It claims no authorship in either place.
U.S. Government Publishing Office. The committee of jurisdiction's own report on the Stop Insider Trading Act, read in full. It names Miller-Meeks nowhere in its 33,237 characters, and does not mention Iowa. It credits the bill to Representative Bryan Steil, who introduced it on January 12, 2026, and records that the amendment in the nature of a substitute adopted at markup was offered by Steil. Cited for what it does not contain: a committee report is where a co-lead's work would ordinarily appear.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her office's account of House passage of the Accelerating Kids’ Access to Care Act, written as hers and Representative Lori Trahan's jointly: the two of them celebrated passage of their bill, she is quoted on "Our legislation", and Trahan is quoted calling it "my bipartisan" bill. Cited on the attribution card for how the bill's introduction was described at the time.
Office of Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks. Her office's account of the day the House passed both the SERVICE Act and the MAMMO for Veterans Act. Its background says that in July of 2021 Miller-Meeks, Brownley and Boozman joined Senator Jon Tester to introduce the MAMMO for Veterans Act, and she calls both measures her bipartisan bills. Cited on the attribution card for the joint-introduction framing.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00558825, file number 1994817, image 202607159875358125, covering 2026-05-14 to 2026-06-30, received 2026-07-15 and not amended. Twelve earlier rows in this cycle are superseded amendments; this is the current report for the latest period. The image number is the beginning_image_number OpenFEC returns for this filing, confirmed on 2026-09-13 on both its committee-reports and its filings endpoint; OpenFEC's own image_number field is null for this filing, so a checker looking for that field will find nothing there.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00558825; 7,967 rows from the 2025-2026 cycle filings through 2026-06-30. Table rows reconcile to the cent against the FEC summary's other-committee and party contributions, $2,421,206.95.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. Affordable Insulin Now Act, passed 232 to 193. Counting the recorded votes in this file gives 220 Democrats and 12 Republicans voting Yea; Miller-Meeks is recorded Yea and is one of the twelve.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. The motion to concur that sent the Inflation Reduction Act to the President, agreed to 220 to 207. Miller-Meeks is recorded Nay.
U.S. Government Publishing Office via Congress.gov. The enacted text. Section 11406, whose heading in the enacted text reads "APPROPRIATE COST-SHARING FOR COVERED INSULIN PRODUCTS UNDER MEDICARE PART D", is the $35 Medicare insulin cap that is law; the word insulin appears 35 times in the act.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Representative Diana DeGette and introduced 2026-09-02 with seven cosponsors; Miller-Meeks is the first listed and an original cosponsor. Referred to Energy and Commerce and two other committees.
Congress.gov. Her own bill, 19 cosponsors, to direct the VA to provide mammography screening for veterans who served in locations associated with toxic exposure. Its last recorded action is referral to the Subcommittee on Health on 2021-09-08.
U.S. Government Publishing Office via Congress.gov. The enacted SERVICE Act, from S. 2102 sponsored by Senator Boozman. Its text directs the VA to provide mammography screening for veterans who served in locations associated with toxic exposure, the subject her page describes.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. The House passed the Dr. Kate Hendricks Thomas SERVICE Act under suspension of the rules, 418 to 0.
U.S. Government Publishing Office via Congress.gov. Read in full for this desk because it is the usual home for toxic-exposure provisions. Its 203,817 bytes contain 21 mentions of burn pits and no occurrence of mammography or breast cancer, so it is not where the screening directive was enacted.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Representative Lori Trahan and introduced 2023-07-19 with 124 cosponsors; Miller-Meeks is the first listed and an original cosponsor, recorded the same day. The bill passed the House by voice vote on 2024-09-17.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Representative Julia Brownley and introduced 2021-07-29 with 23 cosponsors; Miller-Meeks is the first listed and an original cosponsor. Its last recorded action is a subcommittee hearing on 2021-10-14.
U.S. Government Publishing Office via Congress.gov. The enacted MAMMO for Veterans Act, from S. 2533 sponsored by Senator Tester. It requires a VA strategic plan for breast imaging and a telescreening mammography pilot, the subject her page describes.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. The House passed the Laken Riley Act, 263 to 156. Miller-Meeks is recorded Yea. This is the bill that became law; she also voted Yea on the House's own H.R. 29 on 2025-01-07 (Roll Call 6), which stalled in the Senate.
Congress.gov. Became Public Law 119-1 on 2025-01-29. The House companion H.R. 29 passed the House on 2025-01-07 and was placed on the Senate calendar on 2025-02-10 without becoming law, so the enacted vehicle is this Senate bill.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Representative Bryan Steil and introduced 2026-01-12 with 93 cosponsors; Miller-Meeks is an original cosponsor recorded that day, 36th in the listed order. Placed on the Senate calendar 2026-08-06 and not law.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Miller-Meeks, introduced 2026-02-12 with three cosponsors, referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means, policy area Taxation. It is one of the 134 sponsored items this desk pulled for her, so her sponsorship rests on the same record as the sponsorship counts elsewhere on this page.
Congress.gov. Sponsored by Representative Chip Roy and introduced 2025-09-03 with 16 original cosponsors, 142 in all. Miller-Meeks is not among the original cosponsors; she joined on 2025-09-11 and is 47th in the listed order. The bill was referred to the House Committee on House Administration on the day it was introduced and has no later action.
Congress.gov. Her own bill: Miller-Meeks is the sponsor, introduced 2025-12-15, referred to Energy and Commerce with Education and Workforce and Ways and Means. Passed the House 2025-12-17 and received in the Senate 2025-12-18; no public law number, so it is not law. Congress.gov carries no summary for it, so the bill's content here is read from the text the House passed, the engrossed version of 2025-12-17, kept with this desk's evidence.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. The House passed the Lower Health Care Premiums for All Americans Act, 216 to 211, with 6 not voting. Miller-Meeks, its sponsor, is recorded Yea.
Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives. The House passed the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act, the year-round E15 bill, 218 to 203. Miller-Meeks is recorded Yea.
Iowa Legislature. District 85, Democrat, 89th General Assembly from 01/11/2021 to 01/08/2023, recorded as serving a first term in the House and with House 89 as the only assembly served. Home county Johnson; professor of law at the University of Iowa College of Law and former engineer with the Florida Department of Environmental Protection.
Iowa Legislature. 33 measures: 29 House files and 4 House resolutions. Five carry her as the only sponsor: House Files 634, 635, 641, 2183 and 2196. Senate File 522 is not among them.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. Her biography and reasons for running, read directly from the live site. Uses curly apostrophes throughout, which the quotations on this desk reproduce.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. Eight sections: lowering costs, restoring faith in government, health care, education, family farms and natural resources, seniors and Social Security, freedom, and a family friendly economy. Read directly from the live site; no archive was needed. The government section carries the sentence "I take no corporate PAC money.", which is the statement side of the money card on her.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. Cited for the Keokuk road-of-honour news item on the site's news list, which is one of the two posts on her site where the word veteran appears. The scope of the veterans search itself is the whole site, recorded under bohannan-site-search.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. Her campaign announcement, and the second of the two posts on her site where the word veteran appears: in a line about cuts to Social Security, veterans healthcare, education and law enforcement that the post attributes to her opponent, rather than in a position of her own.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. Her statement on the strikes against Venezuela and the capture of Nicolás Maduro. It is the only item on her site that takes a position on the use of military force, and the quotations this desk records on veterans and the military come from it.
Christina Bohannan for Congress. The site serves its own content through a public interface, which this desk read in full rather than page by page: 29 posts, 8 pages and 8 priorities, 45 items in all, each with its date and its address, the posts and priorities read from their own endpoints of the same interface. Cited as the scope of every search behind a silence recorded against her. Across all 45 items, immigrat, border and deport return nothing, and the letters ICE appear only inside the word PRICES in an all-capital headline, never as the agency's name; veteran appears in two posts and nowhere else.
X. Handle confirmed through the link in the campaign site's own footer, read live on September 13, 2026. Its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 13, 2026, 179 items, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. Her own post, quoting a post of her opponent's about border policies. Collected from her declared account on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform the same day before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, and one entry in its edit history. Its text is quoted in full for the sentence this desk carries; the post is her own words and not a record of any official action.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00787820, file number 1994960, image 202607159875377203, covering 2026-05-14 to 2026-06-30, received 2026-07-15. No report in this cycle is superseded. The image number is the beginning_image_number OpenFEC returns for this filing, confirmed on 2026-09-13 on both its committee-reports and its filings endpoint; OpenFEC's own image_number field is null for this filing.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00787820; 5,155 rows from the 2025-2026 cycle filings through 2026-06-30. Table rows reconcile to the cent against the FEC summary's other-committee and party contributions, $502,648.29.
Iowa Legislature. Sales and use tax exemption for feminine hygiene and incontinence products. Sponsor line reads "By Bohannan" alone; introduced and referred to Ways and Means on February 1, 2022, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Wage payment collection issues between employers and employees, with penalties and remedies. Sponsor line reads "By Bohannan" alone; introduced and referred to Labor on February 23, 2021, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Increases penalties for employers who willfully misclassify employees for unemployment compensation contribution purposes. Sponsor line reads "By Bohannan" alone; introduced and referred to Labor on February 23, 2021, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Use of grants-to-counties money for lead and copper testing in water supply systems. Sponsors: Mascher, Staed, Hansen, Winckler, Steckman and Bohannan; introduced and referred to Environmental Protection on February 15, 2021, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Water bottle filling stations and lead testing in school districts. Sponsors: Mascher, Staed, Winckler and Bohannan; introduced and referred to Education on February 17, 2021, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Lead testing in water supply systems serving child care facilities and schools. Sponsors: Mascher, Staed, Hansen, Winckler and Bohannan; introduced and referred to Education on February 18, 2021, with no later action recorded.
Iowa Legislature. Older individuals and dependent adults, creating criminal offences and civil actions with penalties. First House subcommittee named March 10, 2021 as Hite, Bohannan and Kaufmann, which recommended passage 3-0 on March 25, 2021; the history then marks the end of the 2021 actions with no committee report and no House floor vote. Second House subcommittee named February 28, 2022 as Hite, Anderson and Kaufmann, which recommended passage 3-0 on March 3, 2022; committee report recommending passage March 15, 2022; passed the Senate 47-0 on March 9, 2021 and the House, as amended, 96-0 on March 23, 2022; effective date 07/01/2022.
Bridgford for Iowa. Eleven issue panels. The site is a client-rendered application: it answers a plain request with HTTP 200 but serves the same shell for every route and has no content API, so the panels were read twice, once rendered in a browser with each panel expanded and once extracted verbatim from the site's own JavaScript bundle. This is not a block and no archive was used.
Bridgford for Iowa. His campaign's news page. Like every other route on the site it answers a plain request with HTTP 200 and the same client-rendered shell, so its items were read from the site's own JavaScript bundle, which carries the text of every page. The page holds press releases and media items, each with a source line and a date, among them his August 23, 2026 appearance on WHBF's 4 The Record, which is where the words this desk quotes on the border come from, and a WHO 13 item of April 16, 2026 that lists immigration among his interview subjects. The word veteran appears nowhere on it, and nowhere in the bundle's 587,449 bytes.
X. Handle taken from the link the campaign site's own code carries, because the site renders its footer in the browser rather than in the page it serves; the bundle was read live on September 13, 2026. Cited as the scope of a search behind a silence recorded against him: its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 13, 2026, 451 items, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. His own post, a quote post; the post it quotes is from the account @BGOV, which this desk did not read and does not describe. Collected from his declared account on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform the same day before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, and one entry in its edit history. He holds no office, so the post is his own words and not a record of any official action.
X. His own post, not a reply and not a quote of anyone. Collected from his declared account on September 13, 2026 and re-read against the platform the same day before it was written down: unchanged, the same author, and one entry in its edit history. He holds no office, so the post is his own words and not a record of any official action.
Instagram. Handle taken from the link the campaign site's own code carries, because the site renders its footer in the browser rather than in the page it serves. No posts were collected for this draft.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00947432, file number 1994648, image 202607159875316403, covering 2026-04-01 to 2026-06-30, received 2026-07-15. It is the committee's only report of the cycle, which is why its period starts six weeks before the other two. The image number is the beginning_image_number OpenFEC returns for this filing, confirmed on 2026-09-13 on both its committee-reports and its filings endpoint; OpenFEC's own image_number field is null for this filing.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00947432; 34 committee-contributor rows and 69 itemized receipt rows in all through 2026-06-30. One contribution from a political committee, $5,000 from the Forward Party on 2026-06-01, which equals the FEC summary's other-committee plus party contributions of $5,000.00.
Federal Election Commission. Two Schedule C loans, both with the candidate as the loan source: $60,000 incurred 2026-04-20 and $40,000 incurred 2026-06-30, each with nothing repaid and the full amount outstanding, which is the committee's $100,000 of reported debt.
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The details
Election facts. Original sources.
Election date
November 3, 2026
Launch rating
Cook Political Report: Toss Up; dated August 25, 2026
Ballot source updated
Official list updated August 19, 2026; reviewed September 2, 2026.
Candidate field
Printed candidates checked against official election records.
What this page includes, and what is not yet included.
As of Sep 23, 2026. Each area lists only what has passed its source check. How coverage works.
BallotIncluded
3 printed candidates, checked September 2, 2026 against the official election record.
Race outlookPartial
2 of 3 specialist ratings are current as of Sep 23, 2026. 1 stale rating stays visible with its date but is excluded from our analysis.
Reported contextIncluded
1 dated development with original reporting attached.
Words and recordIncluded
12 statement-to-action comparisons across 3 candidate records, each with a stated limitation.
Campaign financeIncluded
FEC filing snapshots for 3 principal campaign committees, with a common coverage cutoff.
PollingNot yet
No published poll has been reviewed for this race yet.
No correction has been recorded for this race. Report an error.
Printed brief
Sources for this brief
Snapshot as of Sep 23, 2026. The live page may have changed since this copy was printed: https://statedrecord.com/races/iowa-us-house-01-2026
Iowa Secretary of State accepted candidate listhttps://sos.iowa.gov/sites/default/files/2026-08/2026%20General%20-%20Candidate%20List%20Database%20-%20All%20Elections_1.pdf
Cook Political Report House ratingshttps://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings