Three candidates are on Texas's U.S. Senate ballot. Find the election details and separate write-in list.
The Stated Record analysis: Toss-up
Updated September 3, 2026
Who is running?
Printed ballot candidates
Ken PaxtonRepublican
James TalaricoDemocratic
Ted BrownLibertarian
Declared write-ins are certified separately by the election authority.
Source: Texas Secretary of State final ballot certification
Checked September 2, 2026
Voter guide
The candidates, side by side
Background comes from government or official office records, and from the campaign's own biography where the bullet says so. Goals are summarized from each campaign's own platform page and stay attributed to the campaign. The record lines are official votes, sponsorships, and filings with the government source attached. Money is shown as filed, by the type the FEC records for the contributing committee, and is not evidence of why any position was taken. Money rows are itemized receipts from political committees; transfers from joint fundraising committees and the conduit entries for earmarked individual contributions sit on their own rows and are not additive with the rest; other memo entries, reimbursements, and receipts from organizations that are not political committees are excluded; each candidate's note gives the filing window and the reconciliation to the FEC summary.
Attorney General of Texas since January 5, 2015; his office's own biography records him as the state's 51st attorney general, elected on November 4, 2014 and re-elected in 2018 and 2022, leading more than 4,000 employees in 38 divisions. Office of the Attorney General of Texas
Before that he sat in the Texas Legislature for twelve years: the Legislative Reference Library records him in House District 70 from January 14, 2003 to January 8, 2013, across the 78th to 82nd Legislatures, and in Senate District 8 from January 8, 2013 to January 13, 2015, in the 83rd, with McKinney in Collin County as his home city throughout. Legislative Reference Library of Texas
What they say they want to do
Carry President Trump's legislative programme in the Senate, naming tax cuts, border security and deportations, ending what he calls the weaponization of government, and draining the swamp. Ken Paxton for Senate
Take on pharmaceutical and food companies and widen transparency in food and health care. Ken Paxton for Senate
Finish the border wall and deport people he describes as criminal illegal aliens. Ken Paxton for Senate
Pass a regulatory framework for digital assets, naming the CLARITY Act. Ken Paxton for Senate
What the official record shows
Sworn in as attorney general on January 5, 2015, the 51st holder of the office; his office's biography records the human-trafficking unit as his first major initiative. Office of the Attorney General of Texas
Authored 280 bills and resolutions in the Texas Legislature across the 78th to 83rd Legislatures and their called sessions, of which 46 carry a last action recording that they took effect; he sponsored a further 37 as the other chamber's sponsor, 25 of which took effect. Legislative Reference Library of Texas, Legislative Reference Library of Texas
The attorney general's numbered opinion series under his name runs KP-0001 to KP-0526, the most recent issued August 26, 2026. An attorney general opinion is a written interpretation of existing law and, in the office's own words, cannot create new provisions in the law and cannot resolve factual disputes. Office of the Attorney General of Texas, Office of the Attorney General of Texas
Announced a settlement of over $1 billion with Meta Platforms on August 26, 2026, which his office records as the third settlement over $1 billion it has reached with a technology company, after $1.4 billion from Meta over facial-recognition data and $1.375 billion from Google. A settlement is official action by the office; it is not a vote. Office of the Attorney General of Texas
Campaign money from other committees, by type
Leadership PACs 13 committees
$70,000
Party committees 1 committee
$62,000
Corporation-connected PACs 8 committees
$38,500
Membership organization PACs 4 committees
$20,000
Hybrid PACs 2 committees
$13,500
Other PACs (no organization type recorded) 1 committee
$5,000
Trade association PACs 1 committee
$5,000
Other candidates' committees 1 committee
$4,000
Committees listed without an FEC id in the filing 2 committees
Itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026, grouped by the FEC's recorded organization type or designation of the contributing committee. The rows sum to $219,500.00, equal to the FEC summary's other-committee contributions of $157,500.00 plus its party contributions of $62,000.00. Not in the table: $6,597.58 of itemized line-12 transfers from two joint fundraising committees, against $6,632.58 on the summary; $83,600.00 of itemized line-11AI receipts from partnerships and limited liability companies, which the filing records as individual contributions; $2,358.55 of itemized line-14 offsets to operating expenditures; and 456 memo entries totalling $3,242,577.43, almost all of them the campaign's own fundraising platform attributing donors above the itemization threshold. A memo entry restates money the report already counts elsewhere, so adding one would count it twice.
Texas state representative since November 19, 2018, when he was sworn in after the special election of November 6, 2018 for the unexpired term of Larry Gonzales; the Legislative Reference Library records him in District 52 for the 85th to 87th Legislatures and in District 50, in Travis County, for the 88th and 89th. Legislative Reference Library of Texas
His campaign describes him as an eighth-generation Texan, a former middle-school teacher on the west side of San Antonio and a Presbyterian seminarian; he sat on the House Public Education Committee in each of the four full terms the library records, and is vice chair of two subcommittees in the 89th. Talarico for Texas, Talarico for Texas, Legislative Reference Library of Texas
What they say they want to do
Make an anti-corruption package the first legislation he pursues, banning super PACs and corporate PACs, banning partisan gerrymandering, and banning members of Congress from trading individual stocks. Talarico for Texas
Let every American buy into Medicare at any age, cap out-of-pocket drug costs and regulate pharmacy benefit managers. Talarico for Texas
Pass comprehensive immigration reform that secures the border and widens legal entry, and bar immigration agents from wearing masks or refusing to identify themselves. Talarico for Texas
Reject federal private-school voucher programmes and establish universal pre-kindergarten for three- and four-year-olds. Talarico for Texas
What the official record shows
First-named author of HB 25 of the 88th Legislature, the wholesale prescription drug importation act, with 117 coauthors and Senator Kolkhorst as its Senate sponsor; it took effect September 1, 2023. Texas Legislature Online
One of the two House sponsors of SB 827 of the 87th Legislature, authored by Senator Kolkhorst, which bars a health plan from charging an enrollee more than $25 per prescription for a 30-day supply of insulin; it took effect September 1, 2021. Texas Legislature Online, Texas Legislature Online
First-named House sponsor of SB 1145 of the 88th Legislature, the local-option property-tax exemption for child-care facilities, and author of its identical House companion HB 3621; the act took effect January 1, 2024 once the voters approved SJR 64. Texas Legislature Online
Across the 86th to 89th Legislatures and their called sessions Texas Legislature Online records 299 measures he authored or joint-authored, 29 of which took effect and 10 of those with him as the first-named author, and 17 he sponsored or joint-sponsored as the House sponsor of a Senate bill, 9 of which took effect and 5 of those with him named first. A further 169 measures list him as a coauthor. Texas Legislature Online
Campaign money from other committees, by type
Leadership PACs 29 committees
$147,000
Labor organization PACs 19 committees
$83,000
Hybrid PACs 13 committees
$58,500
Other PACs (no organization type recorded) 6 committees
$25,308
Committees listed without an FEC id in the filing 16 committees
Itemized receipts from political committees in the 2025-2026 cycle filings through June 30, 2026, grouped by the FEC's recorded organization type or designation of the contributing committee. The rows sum to $348,408.24, equal to the FEC summary's other-committee contributions; the summary records no party contributions at all. There is no corporation-connected row and no trade-association row because the filing itemizes no contribution from a committee the FEC records under either type. The unclassified rows are where that check is weakest: six committees the FEC carries without an organization type, and sixteen state or local committees the filing lists without an FEC id. Not in the table: $2,594,220.00 of transfers from other authorized committees on the FEC summary, which are not itemized receipts from political committees, and four memo entries totalling $13,500.00 recording contributions earmarked through a conduit, which the report already counts elsewhere.
He holds no office. His campaign biography records him as born in Steubenville, Ohio in 1960, a graduate of UCLA in political science in 1984, and a self-employed independent insurance adjuster until his retirement; he and his wife live in the Wells Branch neighbourhood of Austin. Ted Brown Election Committee
His party service is long and his own site states it: he joined the Libertarian Party in 1979, chaired the Libertarian Party of California, sat on the Libertarian National Committee, and is now vice chair of the Libertarian Party of Travis County and candidate coordinator for the Libertarian Party of Texas. The FEC's candidate index records him as a Libertarian candidate for this same Senate seat in 2024. Ted Brown Election Committee, Federal Election Commission
What they say they want to do
Repeal the federal income tax and abolish the Internal Revenue Service without replacing either. Ted Brown Election Committee
Abolish Immigration and Customs Enforcement and open an Ellis Island-style system in which people may enter at any international port after a criminal and health check. Ted Brown Election Committee
Bring every deployed American soldier home, end foreign aid, and withdraw from NATO. Ted Brown Election Committee
Abolish the federal Department of Education and replace vouchers with tuition tax credits. Ted Brown Election Committee
What the official record shows
He holds no office and has held none, so there is no legislative or executive record to draw a highlight from. A search of the Legislative Reference Library's member index, which covers every Texas legislator from the 1st Legislature to the present, returns 45 members whose surname begins Brown, and none of them is Theodore E. Brown Jr. The Office of the Attorney General's opinion index, which gives a numbered series to every attorney general since Gerald Mann in 1939, does not include him either; it does not reach further back than that, so it cannot show that nobody has held the office before then. What the official record does carry is his candidacy: the FEC's candidate index records him as a Libertarian candidate for this Senate seat in 2024 and again in 2026, and the Texas Secretary of State's final ballot certification places him on the November 3, 2026 ballot. Legislative Reference Library of Texas, Office of the Attorney General of Texas, Federal Election Commission, Texas Secretary of State
Campaign money from other committees, by type
His committee has itemized no receipt from any political committee and none from any party committee. The FEC's own cycle summary for TED BROWN ELECTION COMMITTEE through June 30, 2026 records $0.00 under both headings, so there are no rows to group: of $7,459.52 in total receipts, $5,000.00 is a contribution from the candidate himself and $2,459.52 is from individuals, $1,150.00 of it itemized. Federal Election Commission, Federal Election Commission
Race outlook
How election analysts rate this race
Categories are ordered judgments, not win probabilities.
The Stated Record analysisToss-up
Based on 2 verified rating sources. 1 stale or missing rating was excluded.
DemocraticToss-upRepublican
Cook Political ReportToss Up
Cook Political Report assessed this Aug 20, 2026; checked Sep 3, 2026.
Inside ElectionsLean Republican · stale
Inside Elections assessed this Aug 6, 2026; checked Sep 3, 2026. Stale ratings are shown for transparency but excluded from our synthesis.
Sabato's Crystal BallToss-up
Sabato's Crystal Ball assessed this Aug 26, 2026; checked Sep 3, 2026.
Our synthesis uses the median-style ordinal rule described in Methodology. It is our analysis, not another independent rating.
What to know
The race in context
The reporting reviewed so far centers on polling. Poll sponsor, field dates, sample, methodology, and uncertainty still need a claim-level review before publication.
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Candidate records
The field, without the campaign gloss
Current public roles come from government sources. Campaign-finance IDs come from the FEC.
Instagram: not foundHis campaign site's footer links Facebook, X and YouTube and no Instagram account. The Office of the Attorney General's newsroom does link an Instagram account, but it belongs to the agency rather than to him, so it is not carried here as his profile.
Instagram: not foundHis campaign site links X and Facebook and no Instagram account; the whole site is one served page, and it carries no other social link.
Profile links show what is public now, not a complete archive. Each link was confirmed through the campaign site unless a note says otherwise. Individual social posts enter the evidence record only with a post URL, date, context, and review note.
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Issue comparison
What each campaign says
These are attributed platform positions, not promises The Stated Record has verified or endorsed.
His campaign's issues page puts costs under fiscal restraint: he is described as a strong fiscal conservative who will cut taxes and stop wasteful spending against a national debt of over $36 trillion, and who will bring down costs and remove regulations he says were designed to hurt energy companies, while backing President Trump's economic agenda, manufacturing and jobs. The page carries no numbered proposal. His campaign's home page carries no issue text at all: the five cards under its "we are fighting for..." heading are unfilled template placeholders reading "issue title one goes here and here and here" over Lorem ipsum.
His campaign says the cost of living is the centre of his economic programme: raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour, expand overtime eligibility, tax corporations that pay executives more than 250 times their median worker, end the tax breaks that let the largest corporations pay no federal income tax, expand the Child Tax Credit, pass paid family leave, protect Social Security by lifting the tax cap above $400,000, and repeal the tariffs he says are raising prices.
His campaign's tax platform is the whole of his economic programme: repeal the federal income tax, abolish the Internal Revenue Service and, in his words, "replace them with nothing", which he puts at an average of $25,844 per federal income taxpayer; never vote to raise taxes; cut spending to match; and on trade, revoke the president's emergency tariff authorities and restore tariffs to Congress because tariffs are "taxes on consumers".
His campaign's issues page carries one health section, headed "TAKE ON BIG FOOD AND BIG PHARMA". It says Americans deserve transparency, accountability and the freedom to make informed choices about their health, and that in the Senate he will work with President Trump to take on pharmaceutical and food companies and increase transparency in food and health-care systems. It names no bill and no programme. His office's related actions in 2026 are investigations and settlements rather than legislation, including settlements requiring cereal brands to remove synthetic dyes and an investigation of an insurer over denied claims.
His campaign says health care is a human right and would let every American buy into Medicare at any age as a not-for-profit option, cap out-of-pocket drug costs and regulate pharmacy benefit managers, reverse this year's cuts to the Affordable Care Act credits, Medicare and Medicaid, reform prior authorisation, codify Roe v. Wade and protect contraception and IVF, and keep medical debt out of credit scores.
His campaign says health care is "a service, and like other goods and services, it should be provided by free-market competition", and blames the cost of care on federal intervention since the 1960s, naming Medicare and Medicaid, occupational licensing, regulation and the Food and Drug Administration. He would promote medical savings accounts, make health expenses tax-deductible, allow insurance to be bought across state lines, allow catastrophic-only policies, replace the FDA with private certification and allow drugs to be bought from other countries.
His campaign's issues page makes the border its own section, headed "Sovereignty Matters. Borders Must Hold." He says he will help President Trump finish the border wall, deport people he describes as criminal illegal aliens, and secure the border, and the page grounds that in his record of suing the previous federal administration over its border policies.
His campaign uses one image for its position, that the border "should have a welcome mat out front and a lock on the door", and would pass comprehensive immigration reform, focus immigration enforcement on criminals and traffickers rather than settled residents, bar immigration agents from wearing masks or refusing to identify themselves, create a path to citizenship for long-settled immigrants and DREAMers, hire more immigration judges, and deploy detection technology at ports of entry.
His campaign would abolish Immigration and Customs Enforcement outright, confine Customs and Border Protection to the border and ports of entry, end interior checkpoints and detention facilities, and open what he calls an Ellis Island-style system: free movement across borders, entry at any international port after a criminal-record and communicable-disease check, and work permitted from the first day. He says a border wall would no longer have a reason to exist.
His campaign's issues page treats accountability as ending what it calls the weaponization of government and draining the swamp, alongside President Trump's legislative priorities, and separately as standing against Republicans it calls RINOs. It proposes no ethics, disclosure, term-limit or stock-trading measure. What his own account posts instead are actions of the office he heads: settlements, investigations and suits, including a settlement of over $1 billion with Meta in August 2026.
His campaign makes this the first thing he says he would legislate: an anti-corruption package banning super PACs and corporate PACs, banning partisan gerrymandering through independent commissions, passing the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, banning congressional stock trading, term limits of six House terms and two Senate terms, required annual town halls, an end to presidential pardons, and Supreme Court term limits with a binding code of conduct.
His campaign's accountability material is about executive power and the courts: require congressional approval of every executive order and emergency declaration before it takes effect, sunset all emergency authorities, protect habeas corpus, abolish civil asset forfeiture, end mandatory minimum sentences, require judges to tell jurors they may judge the law, and end qualified immunity for police officers.
His campaign's issues page puts energy inside its fiscal section: it says the previous administration declared war on American energy and that he will help bring down costs and remove regulations it describes as designed to hurt energy companies. The page carries no separate energy or environment section and names no measure.
His campaign carries a full energy and environment section: reinstate federal tax credits and loans for renewable development, streamline permitting without weakening environmental protection, expand the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, require large users such as AI data centres to pay for the grid upgrades they need, strengthen the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act, and dedicate federal money to weatherproofing the Texas grid.
No position on energy or the environment appears anywhere this desk read. His campaign site serves its whole content in one page, and that page's twelve platform sections are digital privacy, taxes, immigration, foreign policy, free trade, emergency powers, gun rights, the war on drugs, justice reform, education, police reform and health care; none is about energy, electricity, the grid, climate or the environment. The words energy, grid and climate appear in none of them; environmental appears once, in the justice section, in a list of federal law whose enforcement he objects to rather than as a position on the environment. The page also carries a News Coverage index of dated outside articles about his campaign, which this desk did not search, and a Media section of interviews and a Quotes section of other people's words. His own posts were read too: the account his site links was collected in full from July 1, 2026 to the retrieval on September 14, 2026, 339 posts and replies, exhausted rather than stopped at a cap, and nothing in them states a position of his on energy or the environment. The desk's earlier enumeration of which posts the search words reached was wrong and is withdrawn rather than replaced: the posts were re-swept on 2026-09-17 and the absence held, but the individual matches were not re-derived here.
His campaign's issues page reaches education through its section on conservative principles, which says he will stand with President Trump to defend the unborn, protect gun rights and defeat what it calls the radical transgender movement putting men in girls' sports and woke indoctrination in classrooms, and through its section on the Democratic candidate, where it says he will protect parental rights. It proposes no schools, funding or curriculum measure.
His campaign's education section is the longest on his site: grants for evidence-based reading and mathematics instruction, expansion of teacher-training programmes, opposition to federal private-school voucher programmes, universal pre-kindergarten for three- and four-year-olds with protection for Head Start, protection of federal special-education oversight, career and technical pathways from middle school, expansion of the school lunch and breakfast programmes, and guidelines for the use of artificial intelligence in classrooms.
His campaign would abolish the federal Department of Education, which it says educates nobody and only imposes regulation on local schools, and would replace vouchers with tuition tax credits for anyone paying a child's private-school fees, on the argument that vouchers would lead to government control of private schools. He supports charter schools and home schooling and calls for "the complete separation of school and state".
The number of cards varies with what each candidate's official record supports, and every card carries the same required parts: what they say, what the official record shows, one label from the fixed list, and its limit. Each card is labeled narrowly, by rule. A single vote, sponsorship, or filing can match one claim without proving a candidate's whole record, and a card never says why someone did something.
His campaign account says he secured a settlement of $1 billion with Meta in the week before the post, and separately that he secured $1.4 billion from the same company in 2024 over personal data.
“Kids are being exposed to harmful content on social media every day. My mission has always been to protect children and put parents back in control.
Last week, I secured a $1 billion settlement with Meta and I’ll keep delivering wins for Texas families as your U.S. Senator.
Help me keep fighting for Texas families. Donate today:”
The office's own release of August 26, 2026 says it: "Attorney General Ken Paxton secured over $1 billion as part of a historic settlement with Meta Platforms, Inc. (“Meta”) to protect Texas children online." The same release records the earlier figure he cites and a third: it calls this "the third settlement worth over $1 billion that Attorney General Paxton has secured from Big Tech companies" and states that he previously secured a $1.4 billion settlement with Meta over facial-recognition data and a $1.375 billion settlement with Google. It also records what the settlement requires of the company beyond money, including age assurance, a daily two-hour limit for teenage users and notifications disabled by default during school hours. This is official action by the office he heads, and it is a settlement, not a vote, a sponsorship or a cosponsorship.
Limit: Both figures he gives are in his office's own release, and the release is the office's account of its own work rather than a court record: this desk did not read the settlement agreement, any court filing, or any docket. What kind of action this was matters for how it is read here. A settlement is an exercise of the attorney general's litigating authority, not a recorded vote or a sponsorship, so it cannot be set beside a roll call the way a legislator's record can. Whether Texas has received any of the money, and whether the safeguards have been put in place, are questions about administration that this card does not assess.
Federal litigation: how many suits against the Biden administration
No verdict
What they say
His campaign's issues page and its biography page both give a number for the suits he brought against the Biden administration.
“Attorney General Paxton led the national legal charge against Biden’s radical agenda and sued the lawless Biden Administration over 100 times, including to put an end to disastrous open borders policies.”
The Office of the Attorney General publishes no docket and no ledger of the suits it has filed. Its newsroom is the only list it offers and it is a paginated index of press releases, ten to a page, which returned page one unchanged whether a search term or a larger page size was requested, so it cannot be filtered to suits against one administration and is not a count of filings in any case. The office's own biography carries two related numbers and neither is this one: it says he filed 27 lawsuits against the Obama administration during a two-year stretch, and that he has "obtained an injunction or other winning ruling in more than 75 percent of the cases he's brought against the federal government". The one countable ledger the office does publish is its opinion series, which counts written opinions and not suits. His own account of the litigation is on his campaign account in general terms: "When the Corrupt Biden Administration came for us, I took them to court and I won."
Suits by Texas against the federal government plainly exist, and this desk cites some of them, so there is nothing missing from the record in the way "not comparable" would mean. What is missing is a count. The office publishes no docket and no ledger of its filings, and its newsroom is a paginated press-release index that cannot be filtered to one administration and would not be a count of filings if it could. Every label on the methodology page would therefore say something untrue about why this claim is not judged, so this card carries none.
Limit: What would settle it is a docket: a list of cases filed by the State of Texas against federal defendants over a stated period, from the courts rather than from the office's press releases. This desk did not read federal court dockets, and it is recording that it did not, rather than counting press releases and calling the result a check. Nothing here says the claim is wrong, and nothing here says it is right.
Before the office: twelve years in the Texas Legislature
Matches stated record claim
What they say
His campaign biography sums up his time in the Legislature in one sentence.
“Before becoming Attorney General, Paxton served in the Texas House and Senate, where he was consistently ranked among the most conservative lawmakers.”
The service half is exact. The Legislative Reference Library records him in House District 70 from January 14, 2003 to January 8, 2013, in the 78th, 79th, 80th, 81st and 82nd Legislatures, and in Senate District 8 from January 8, 2013 to January 13, 2015, in the 83rd, where a footnote records that he drew a two-year term in the January 23, 2013 drawing. What he did there is countable too: the library's bill search records 280 bills and resolutions with him as author across those six legislatures and their called sessions, 46 of which carry a last action recording that they took effect, and a further 37 he carried as the other chamber's sponsor, 25 of which took effect. The ranking half is not in any official record. It is an assessment by organisations outside the Legislature, and no Texas legislative source scores a member.
Limit: The label attaches to the half a record can settle: he served in both chambers, for the districts and across the years the sentence implies, and the legislative record of that service is substantial. The other half, that he was consistently ranked among the most conservative lawmakers, is a third-party rating and this desk checked no rating publication, so it is neither confirmed nor doubted here. Counts of authored bills are as the library records them and include resolutions; a bill that took effect is not necessarily one he carried alone.
His campaign biography says the political establishment has repeatedly tried to silence him and that he never yielded to it; his issues page puts the same claim as a politically motivated investigation of him and of President Trump.
“He’s never bent a knee — not against the Biden administration, not against corporate overreach, and certainly not against the corrupt political establishment that’s tried to silence him time and time again.”
Both chambers acted on him in 2023 and both were Republican-held. On May 27, 2023 the Texas House adopted H.R. 2377, impeaching him and preferring 20 articles, by 121 yeas to 23 nays with 2 present and not voting (Record 2191); the Journal accounts for 149 members, 85 Republicans and 64 Democrats, and of the 121 yeas 60 were Republicans and 61 Democrats, while all 23 nays were Republicans. He was then out of the office: the attorney general's own opinion index records John Scott serving as provisional attorney general from May 31 to July 14, 2023 and Angela Colmenero from July 14 to September 16, 2023, in each case "Pursuant to article 15, section 5 of the Texas Constitution". The Senate tried 16 of the 20 articles and acquitted on every one on September 16, 2023. The presiding officer stated on the record that conviction on a single article would remove him and that the threshold was 21 votes; no article drew more than 14. The Senate then had 31 members, 19 Republicans and 12 Democrats, and 30 votes were recorded on each article; Senator Angela Paxton, the respondent's wife, is not among the members whose votes the record carries. On each of the twelve articles that drew 14 yeas those yeas were the chamber's 12 Democrats and 2 Republicans and all 16 nays were Republicans; Article IV drew 2 yeas to 28 nays, Article VIII 8 to 22, Article IX 12 to 18 and Article V 13 to 17. The four articles held in abeyance, XI to XIV, were dismissed 19 to 11 on Senator Birdwell's motion, and the judgment records that "A dismissal of these articles of impeachment does not constitute an acquittal of any charge contained in the articles of impeachment". The judgment reinstated him the same day and he holds the office now.
Limit: What the record bears out is the checkable part of the sentence: formal proceedings were brought against him, they kept him out of the office for the 108 days between May 31 and September 16, 2023, he contested them rather than resigning, and they ended in acquittal on every article tried. The record calls that a suspension, not a removal, and this desk uses the same word on both cards that touch it. What no record can settle is the rest of the sentence, whether the proceedings were corrupt or were an attempt to silence him. That is a claim about motive and this site does not assess motive, in either direction. Two things are stated here so the record is not read as an argument: the chamber that brought the articles and the chamber that acquitted were both Republican-held, and the party split of each vote is given above. The dismissal of the four remaining articles is carried in the words of the judgment because the judgment itself says a dismissal is not an acquittal. This desk read the trial rules only as the record of proceedings quotes them, and did not read the articles' underlying allegations or any evidence.
Health care: insulin costs and importing drugs from Canada
Matches stated record claim
What they say
His campaign's health-care page says he passed two measures on drug costs in the Texas Legislature, one capping insulin copayments at $25 a month and one letting Texas import prescription drugs from Canada.
“So when I got elected, I passed bills that capped insulin copays at $25 a month and allowed Texas to import cheaper prescription drugs from Canada at a fraction of what they cost in the U.S. due to price gouging by Big Pharma.”
Both measures are law and the figures are exact. HB 25 of the 88th Legislature, the wholesale prescription drug importation act, lists him as the first of five authors, with 117 coauthors and Senator Kolkhorst as its Senate sponsor; it took effect September 1, 2023, and Texas Legislature Online indexes it under CANADA. On insulin, SB 827 of the 87th Legislature took effect September 1, 2021, and its enrolled text bars a health plan from imposing a cost-sharing requirement where "the total amount the enrollee is required to pay exceeds $25 per prescription for a 30-day supply", which is the cap he describes. On that bill the Author field names Senator Kolkhorst and fourteen joint authors, and the House Sponsor field names two members, Lucio III and Talarico, in that order.
Limit: The word doing the work is "passed", and it holds differently on the two bills. On the importation act he is the first-named author of a House bill that became law. On the insulin cap he is the second of the two House sponsors of a Senate bill someone else authored; unlike the single-name Sponsor field on a federal bill, the Texas record can and does name more than one sponsor, so it is able to record a co-lead and here it records him second. Neither bill is his alone, and both carry large bipartisan coauthor lists. Whether the importation programme has begun operating, and what either law has done to prices, are questions this card does not assess.
His own account says he passed a bill cutting property taxes for child-care centres.
“Childcare is now more expensive than college.
In the Legislature, I passed a bill to cut property taxes for childcare centers, allowing small businesses like Green Space Nature Preschool to cut costs for working families.
In the Senate, I’ll keep fighting for our tiny Texans. 🌱”
SB 1145 of the 88th Legislature created a local-option exemption from property taxation, by a county or a municipality, of all or part of the appraised value of real property used to operate a child-care facility. Senator West authored it; the House Sponsor field names five members and he is the first of them. Its identical House companion, HB 3621, is his own bill. Its last action, on May 29, 2023, reads "E See remarks for effective date", and the remarks record that the act takes effect January 1, 2024 but only if the voters approve SJR 64; whether they did is not established by any source this desk cites.
Limit: He is the first-named House sponsor of the act and the author of the identical House companion, which did not itself pass, so "I passed a bill" is borne out on the record's own fields. Two bounds. The exemption is local option: it cuts no tax by itself, and each county or city decides whether to adopt it, which this card does not check for any jurisdiction. And the act depended on a constitutional amendment the voters approved separately. The post carries no link and no video and nothing outside its text was read.
His Senate committee's filings through June 30, 2026 itemize $348,408.24 of receipts from political committees, and not one of those committees is recorded by the FEC under the organization type Corporation or the type Trade Association. What the money is instead, on the FEC's own classification, is $147,000.00 from 29 leadership PACs, $83,000.00 from 19 labor-organization PACs, $58,500.00 from 13 hybrid PACs, $9,500.00 from 6 other candidates' committees, $7,750.00 from 3 membership-organization PACs, $25,308.24 from 6 committees the FEC carries without an organization type, and $17,350.00 from 16 committees the filing lists without an FEC id at all. The FEC summary records no party-committee contribution to the committee.
No itemized contribution from a corporation-connected or trade-association PAC, against $43,500.00 from nine such committees itemized by the Republican candidate's committee over the same cycle.
Amounts are what the filings record, grouped by the FEC's own committee types. They are not a measure of a candidate's independence, and no contribution here is placed beside any position as its cause.
Limit: On the FEC's own classification the filing bears the claim out for this committee and this cycle: no itemized contribution from a committee the FEC records as connected to a corporation. The check is only as fine as that classification, and two rows are where it is weakest. Six committees, holding $25,308.24, are carried by the FEC with no organization type, and sixteen, holding $17,350.00, are state or local committees the filing lists without an FEC id, so the FEC classifies them not at all. The claim is dated to his first Texas House race in 2017 and this check covers only his federal committee's 2025-2026 filings; his Texas state filings are a separate jurisdiction and were not read. Unitemized receipts are not in this check at all.
Government accountability: what his impeachment vote did
Matches stated record claim
What they say
His campaign's corruption page republishes his post of the day of the vote, which states what the vote was and what it did.
“This may be the most consequential vote I’ll cast as a member of the Texas Legislature.
I—along with a bipartisan majority of my colleagues—just voted to impeach our corrupt Attorney General.
Ken Paxton is hereby removed from office.”
The first two sentences are exact. The House adopted H.R. 2377 on May 27, 2023 by 121 yeas to 23 nays with 2 present and not voting (Record 2191), he is recorded among the yeas, and the majority was bipartisan on the record's own arithmetic: of the 121 yeas 61 were Democrats and 60 were Republicans, and all 23 nays were Republicans, in a chamber the Journal accounts for as 85 Republicans and 64 Democrats. The third sentence is not borne out. Impeachment by the House did not remove him; it suspended him pending trial, and the office's own record says so in the only words it uses for it: the attorney general's opinion index records John Scott as provisional attorney general from May 31 to July 14, 2023 and Angela Colmenero from July 14 to September 16, 2023, in each case "Pursuant to article 15, section 5 of the Texas Constitution", the provision the Senate's judgment also cites. Removal required conviction by the Senate. The presiding officer stated on the record that conviction on one article removes him and that 21 votes were needed; on September 16, 2023 the Senate acquitted on all 16 articles it tried, no article drawing more than 14 yeas, dismissed the four held in abeyance, and the judgment reinstated him. He has held the office since. That Senate was Republican-held too: 31 members, 19 Republicans and 12 Democrats, with Senator Angela Paxton not among the thirty whose votes the record carries, and on every article that drew 14 yeas those yeas were the chamber's 12 Democrats and 2 Republicans while all 16 nays were Republicans.
Limit: The claim he makes about his own record is borne out exactly: he voted to impeach, and the majority was bipartisan by the roll call's own count. One clause of the post, "Ken Paxton is hereby removed from office", is not a claim about his record at all but about the respondent's status, and it is worth setting beside what the record shows. The vote suspended rather than removed: the attorney general was out of the office for 108 days while two other people held it, and removal is the penalty a conviction imposes, which the Senate declined. He posted this on the day of the House vote, months before that acquittal. What the record shows the vote did is suspend, not remove. The check read the source the campaign itself cites, which is the post as the campaign republishes it today on its own issues page, the House Journal for that day, the Senate's record of proceedings and judgment, and the attorney general's own opinion index, which is where the office states who held it and under what authority. What the check cannot see is what he understood at the moment he posted, and the Senate had not yet voted; this desk takes no view on that, and the point of carrying the card is that the sentence is still published on the campaign's own site three years after the acquittal. The Texas Constitution's own text was read only as the official records quote it, because the state's statutes site would not serve the article to an automated reader. Both chambers here were Republican-held and both party splits are given above.
There is no comparable official action to set beside it. He has held no office: a search of the Legislative Reference Library's member index returns 45 Texas legislators whose surname begins Brown and none of them is him, and the attorney general's opinion index, which reaches back to 1939, does not include him. What the official record does carry is the candidacy itself. The FEC's candidate index records him as a Libertarian candidate for this Senate seat in 2024 and again in 2026, and the Texas Secretary of State's final ballot certification of August 28, 2026 places him on the November 3, 2026 ballot as the Libertarian candidate.
Limit: A pledge about future votes cannot be checked against a record that does not exist. He has never held office, so this desk records the pledge and the absence of any comparable action, and nothing more. That absence is not a finding about him; it is what a candidacy without office looks like in the official record.
The filings record no political-committee money at all. The FEC's cycle summary for TED BROWN ELECTION COMMITTEE through June 30, 2026 records $0.00 in contributions from other political committees and $0.00 from party committees, and the itemized schedules carry no such receipt to group. Of $7,459.52 in receipts for the cycle, $5,000.00 is a contribution from the candidate himself and $2,459.52 is from individuals, of which $1,150.00 is itemized and $1,309.52 is not.
No contribution from any political committee or party committee, against $219,500.00 and $348,408.24 of committee and party contributions itemized by the two major-party committees over the same cycle.
Amounts are what the filings record, grouped by the FEC's own committee types. They are not a measure of a candidate's independence, and no contribution here is placed beside any position as its cause.
Limit: The checkable part of the banner is the funding, and the filing bears it out completely for this cycle: no committee money of any kind. Two bounds sit beside it. A committee this small itemizes little, so the check has almost nothing to classify rather than a classification that came back clean; and the word "beholden" is about influence, which no filing measures and this card does not assess. His largest single receipt is his own $5,000.
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Campaign finance
FEC snapshot through Jun 30, 2026
Principal campaign committees only. Receipts and disbursements are the election-cycle-to-date figures, Column B on each filing's summary page; cash on hand and debt are period-end figures. All are carried by reports ending on the same date, although the individual report periods start on different dates. Money is not a score of candidate quality or voter support.
Ken Paxton: July Quarterly 2026, coverage May 7, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 15, 2026, file 1996198, image 202607159875888624.
James Talarico: July Quarterly 2026, coverage Apr 1, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 15, 2026, file 1997887, image 202607159890734938.
Ted Brown: July Quarterly 2026, coverage Apr 1, 2026 to Jun 30, 2026, received Jul 4, 2026, file 1988042, image 202607049874765347.
Retrieved from OpenFEC on Sep 14, 2026. FEC amendments can revise these committee-reported figures.
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Chronology
How the field took shape
Paxton's legislative service begins
The Legislative Reference Library records Ken Paxton taking House District 70 on January 14, 2003, at the start of the 78th Legislature; he held that seat through the 82nd and then Senate District 8 in the 83rd, to January 13, 2015.
The Office of the Attorney General records Ken Paxton as the 51st attorney general of Texas, elected on November 4, 2014 and sworn into office on January 5, 2015, and re-elected in 2018 and 2022.
The Legislative Reference Library records James Talarico winning the special election of November 6, 2018 for the unexpired District 52 term of Larry Gonzales, who resigned on June 7, 2018, and being sworn in on November 19, 2018.
The FEC's candidate index gives March 6, 2024 as the first filing date for Theodore E. Brown Jr. as a Libertarian candidate for the United States Senate in Texas, and records him as a candidate for the seat in both the 2024 and the 2026 election years.
The Texas Secretary of State's final ballot certification for the November 3, 2026 general election, signed by the Deputy Secretary of State on August 28, 2026, lists three candidates for United States Senator: Ken Paxton (Republican), James Talarico (Democratic) and Ted Brown (Libertarian), in that order, which is the ballot order this desk follows.
Texas Secretary of State. The final ballot certification for the November 3, 2026 general election, signed by Deputy Secretary of State Dave Nelson on August 28, 2026 under sections 142.010 and 161.008 of the Election Code. Its U. S. SENATOR block lists KEN PAXTON (REP), JAMES TALARICO (DEM) and TED BROWN (LIB), in that order, which is the ballot order this desk follows. The document is served slowly and closes the connection part-way; it was fetched with a resuming request until the whole 5,919,631 bytes arrived, because a truncated copy reads as a corrupt PDF rather than as a failed download.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. Terms of service: House District 70 for the 78th to 82nd Legislatures, January 14, 2003 to January 8, 2013, home city McKinney in Collin County; Senate District 8 for the 83rd, January 8, 2013 to January 13, 2015, covering Collin and Dallas counties, with a footnote recording that he drew a two-year term in the drawing of January 23, 2013. The profile's biographical section lists him as Texas Attorney General from 2015.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. Terms of service: House District 52 from November 19, 2018 for the unexpired term of Larry Gonzales, who resigned June 7, 2018, then District 52 for the 86th and 87th and District 50, in Travis County, for the 88th and 89th. Committee assignments record Public Education in the 86th, 87th, 88th and 89th, and in the 89th also House Administration, vice chair of the Public Education subcommittee on academic and career-oriented education, and vice chair of Trade, Workforce and Economic Development.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. 280 distinct bills and resolutions with Ken Paxton as author, across the 78th to 83rd Legislatures and their called sessions; he is the first-named author on every one. 46 carry a last action recording that they took effect, one of them as a placeholder effective date. The result count in the page header is rendered in the browser and is empty in the served page, so the rows were counted instead. Pulled 2026-09-14.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. 37 bills he carried as the other chamber's sponsor, 28 of them in the 83rd Legislature, of which 25 carry a last action recording that they took effect. Pulled 2026-09-14.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. The library's member index covers every Texas legislator from the 1st Legislature to the present. A search on the last name Brown, submitted as the form's own POST because the equivalent GET returns a narrow-your-search redirect and no result, returned 45 members, from Albert 'Al' Brown to Linda Harper-Brown. None of them is Theodore E. Brown Jr. Cited for the absence of any Texas legislative record for the Libertarian candidate.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. Two POST searches of the member index, one for Republican and one for Democrat, each with the 88th Legislature and the House selected, returned 89 and 64 members; the rosters cover everyone who served in that legislature rather than the seats filled on one day. They were used only to give the May 27, 2023 roll call its party split: each name in the Journal was mapped onto a roster entry, the surname initials the Journal uses to separate members of the same name were resolved by hand, and the resulting party counts were required to add back to the Journal's own printed totals before being used. They do. The party value must be the full word; party=R returns a no-records answer that reads exactly like a real negative.
Legislative Reference Library of Texas. The same two POST searches for the Senate returned 19 Republicans and 13 Democrats for the 88th Legislature. One of the 13, Molly Cook, took her seat in 2024, after the September 2023 trial, and appears in none of its roll calls; the 31 members sitting at the trial were 19 Republicans and 12 Democrats. Used only to give the Court of Impeachment's roll calls their party split, with the same requirement that the party counts add back to the printed totals.
Texas Legislature Online. Member code A3685. The author, sponsor and coauthor reports were requested for every session he has served, the 85th regular and first called, the 86th regular, the 87th regular and three called, the 88th regular and four called, and the 89th regular and two called. Totals across them: 299 measures authored or joint-authored, 29 with a last action recording that they took effect and 10 of those with Talarico first-named; 17 sponsored or joint-sponsored as the House sponsor of a Senate bill, 9 taking effect and 5 of those with him first-named; 169 coauthored, 32 of which took effect. A session in which he filed nothing answers with the words no bills have been authored. The coauthor reports for the 87th and 88th second called sessions were missed on the first pass and read on 2026-09-17, which is where six of the coauthorships above come from; the earlier count of 163 omitted them. Every session had to be requested rather than assumed. Pulled 2026-09-14.
Texas Legislature Online. Caption: relating to wholesale importation of prescription drugs in this state; authorizing a fee. Author: Talarico, first of five, followed by Frank, Burrows, Rose and Klick, with 117 coauthors. Senate sponsor: Kolkhorst, with five cosponsors. Last action 06/12/2023 E Effective on 9/1/23. The subject index carries CANADA and WHOLESALE PRESCRIPTION DRUG IMPORTATION ACT. The House select committee reported it 7 ayes to 0 nays.
Texas Legislature Online. Author: Kolkhorst, with fourteen joint authors including Senator Paxton, who is Angela Paxton of District 8 and not the candidate on this desk. Sponsor: Lucio III, then Talarico, with 95 cosponsors. Last action 06/14/2021 E Effective on 9/1/21. The Senate committee reported it 8 ayes to 0 nays.
Texas Legislature Online. Section 1358.103(b) of the Insurance Code as added: a health benefit plan may not impose a cost-sharing provision for a formulary insulin if the total the enrollee must pay exceeds $25 per prescription for a 30-day supply, regardless of the amount or type of insulin. Section 2 applies the change to plans delivered, issued for delivery or renewed on or after January 1, 2022. Read because a caption is a title and only the enrolled text carries the figure.
Texas Legislature Online. Author: West, with coauthors Blanco and Eckhardt. Sponsor: Talarico, first of five, then Button, Bernal, Julie Johnson and Goodwin. Companion: HB 3621 by Talarico, identical. Last action 05/29/2023 E See remarks for effective date; the remarks record that the act takes effect January 1, 2024 but only if SJR 64 is approved by the voters, and the page records it as enabling legislation for SJR 64.
Texas Legislature Online. Caption: impeaching Warren Kenneth Paxton, Attorney General of the State of Texas, and preferring articles of impeachment against him. Authors: Murr, Ann Johnson, Geren, Longoria and Spiller. Laid before the House and adopted on May 27, 2023 on record vote 2191, at Journal page 5958; reported enrolled the same day and signed in the House on May 29. The page links the Journal for that day at the page carrying the vote.
Texas House of Representatives. Saturday, May 27, 2023. At page 5958: HR 2377 was adopted by record vote 2191, 121 yeas, 23 nays, 2 present not voting, with one member absent excused and two absent. The Journal prints every name and no party. Mapped against the library's 88th House rosters the 121 yeas are 61 Democrats and 60 Republicans, the 23 nays are all Republicans, the two present-not-voting are one of each, and the 149 members accounted for are 85 Republicans and 64 Democrats. The server closes the connection part-way through this PDF; it was fetched with a resuming request until the whole 574,311 bytes arrived.
Texas Senate. Saturday, September 16, 2023. A verbatim transcript: each article is read, the clerk reads the ballots in a random order, and the presiding officer then confirms every member's vote by name, so each roll call appears twice and the two agree. Sixteen articles were tried and every one drew a finding of acquittal: twelve at 14 yeas to 16 nays, Article V at 13 to 17, Article IX at 12 to 18, Article VIII at 8 to 22 and Article IV at 2 to 28. Thirty votes are recorded on each; Senator Angela Paxton is not among them. The presiding officer states that conviction on one article removes him, and, on the later motion, that it is a simple 16 vote and not 21. Articles XI to XIV, held in abeyance, were dismissed 19 to 11 on Senator Birdwell's motion. The judgment is printed at the end of the same document and reinstates him the same day. The Senate journal site is a browser application whose document list comes from a separate service; this file is served directly.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The office's own biography of the officeholder: 51st attorney general, elected November 4, 2014, sworn in January 5, 2015, re-elected 2018 and 2022; more than 4,000 employees in 38 divisions and 117 offices; 27 lawsuits against the Obama administration in a two-year stretch, and an injunction or other winning ruling in more than 75 percent of cases brought against the federal government. The page is dated in its own content: its collections figure is for fiscal year 2020 and its litigation examples end before 2021. The address www.texasattorneygeneral.gov/about-office/attorney-general-ken-paxton, which an earlier pass recorded as answering HTTP 402, answered HTTP 404 on 2026-09-14; this page is where the biography is served.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The office's own index of every attorney general's numbered opinion series. Ken Paxton, 2015 to present, KP-0001 to KP-0526, the most recent listed being KP-0526 of August 26, 2026. The same index lists John Scott, 2023, provisional attorney general, JS-0001 to JS-0007, and Angela Colmenero, 2023, provisional attorney general, AC-0001 to AC-0005. This is the only countable ledger the office publishes; it counts opinions and not lawsuits.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The office's own statement of what an opinion is: a written interpretation of existing law which cannot create new provisions in the law or correct unintended effects, does not necessarily reflect the attorney general's personal views, and cannot resolve factual disputes. Cited so that an opinion count on this desk is read as what the office says it is.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The page states in the office's own words: pursuant to article 15, section 5 of the Texas Constitution, John Scott served as Provisional Attorney General from May 31, 2023 to July 14, 2023, and it carries his series JS-0001 to JS-0007. An official, non-editorial record of who held the office in that period.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The page states in the office's own words: pursuant to article 15, section 5 of the Texas Constitution, Angela Colmenero served as Provisional Attorney General from July 14, 2023 to September 16, 2023, and it carries her series AC-0001 to AC-0005.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The office's only public list of its own actions, paginated ten releases to a page. It ignores a full-text search parameter and a page-size parameter, returning the first page either way, so it cannot be filtered or enlarged by an automated reader. The first page on 2026-09-14 ran from the TikTok liability verdict of September 10, 2026 back to a Houston County sentence of August 18, 2026, and included the Meta settlement, an Amazon suit, investigations of an insurer and of avocado-oil labelling, and settlements on synthetic dyes in cereals. Cited for what the office has published and for the fact that it publishes no docket or count of suits filed.
Office of the Attorney General of Texas. The office's release on the settlement: over $1 billion to the State of Texas, plus stricter age assurance, a daily two-hour limit for teenage users, notifications disabled by default during school hours, likes and reactions hidden by default and a nighttime access mode. It calls this the third settlement worth over $1 billion the office has secured from a technology company and names the other two, $1.4 billion from Meta over facial-recognition data and $1.375 billion from Google. It records a trial against TikTok scheduled for the autumn of 2026. The release is the office's account of its own work, not a court record.
Ken Paxton for Senate. The campaign site answered a plain request directly. Its navigation is Home, The Fight at Hand, Meet Ken Paxton, Join Paxton's Patriots, Merch and Donate; there is no news or press index. The home page's five issue cards are unfilled template placeholders, each headed "issue title one goes here and here and here" over Lorem ipsum text, so the site's issue content is entirely on the page behind The Fight at Hand. Its footer links Facebook, X, YouTube and Flickr and no Instagram account. Cited for his biography, for the placeholder cards, and for the absence of an Instagram link.
Ken Paxton for Senate. The campaign's whole platform, in seven sections: carrying President Trump's agenda, taking on food and pharmaceutical companies, the border, conservative principles including gun rights and transgender policy, an America-first foreign policy, fiscal restraint and energy, the case against the Democratic candidate, and support for cryptocurrency naming the CLARITY Act. It proposes no ethics, disclosure, term-limit or stock-trading measure, and the words ethics, term limits, campaign finance and disclosure appear nowhere on it.
Ken Paxton for Senate. The campaign biography. It carries the claim of over 100 suits against the Biden administration, the account of the opioid and Big Tech litigation, the description of the establishment having tried to silence him, his degrees from Baylor and the University of Virginia, fourteen years in his own law firm in McKinney, and the sentence on his service in the Texas House and Senate.
X. Handle confirmed through the link in his campaign site's own footer, read live on September 14, 2026. His campaign account, and a separate account from the Office of the Attorney General's account, which the agency's own site links. Its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 14, 2026, 195 items, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. Collected from his declared campaign account and re-read against the platform on 2026-09-14, when it came back unchanged, by the same author, at the same publication time, with a single-entry edit history. A post is the candidate's own words and is not a record of any official action; the official action it describes is cited separately.
X. Collected from his declared campaign account and re-read against the platform on 2026-09-14, when it came back unchanged, by the same author, at the same publication time, with a single-entry edit history. A post is the candidate's own words and is not a record of any official action. The post carries a link this desk did not follow.
X. Collected from his declared campaign account and re-read against the platform on 2026-09-14, when it came back unchanged, by the same author, at the same publication time, with a single-entry edit history. A post is the candidate's own words and is not a record of any official action. The post carries a link this desk did not follow.
Talarico for Texas. The campaign site answered a plain request directly. Its own sitemaps enumerate the whole site: twenty pages and thirteen issue pages, with no news or press index among them. The home page carries his biography in the campaign's words, an eighth-generation Texan, former middle-school teacher and Presbyterian seminarian, and its footer links X, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube and TikTok.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his anti-corruption programme, his claim never to have taken corporate PAC money, his claim to have broken quorum twice, and his Texas record on campaign-contribution caps and an independent redistricting commission. The page also republishes ten of his own and his campaign's posts as embedded quotations, among them his post of May 27, 2023 on the impeachment vote, which is the source of the quotation this desk carries for it; the page itself is undated and the embedded post carries the date May 27, 2023.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his account of his type 1 diabetes diagnosis and the $684 he paid for a first 30-day supply of insulin, the claim about the $25 insulin cap and importation from Canada, his federal programme on Medicare buy-in and drug pricing, and a track record list naming the insulin cap, Canadian importation, surprise billing, rural hospitals and medical marijuana.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his account of teaching on the west side of San Antonio, the claim that he served on the Public Education Committee in each of his four terms, his opposition to private-school vouchers, and a federal programme on reading and mathematics, teacher training, universal pre-kindergarten, special education and school meals.
Talarico for Texas. Carries the front-porch formulation of his border position, his federal programme on comprehensive reform, enforcement priorities, identification of immigration agents, paths to legalisation, port-of-entry technology and asylum, and a Texas record naming X-ray inspection technology at border crossings.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his federal energy programme, including renewable tax credits, permitting, the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, data-centre cost allocation, the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act and grid weatherproofing, and a Texas record naming an annual independent grid audit, a Texas Climate Action Act, lead in school water fountains and water infrastructure funding.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his wage and workplace programme, including a $15 federal minimum wage, overtime expansion, a tax on corporations paying executives more than 250 times the median worker, Social Security funding above $400,000, paid family leave and the PRO Act.
Talarico for Texas. Carries his cost-of-living programme and his account of the tax provisions he says raised costs. Read as part of the whole-site sweep and cited with the labour page for his economic position.
X. Handle confirmed through the link in his campaign site's own footer, read live on September 14, 2026. His official Texas House page at house.texas.gov links no social account of any kind, so there is no official-office account to set beside this one. Its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 14, 2026, 64 items, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap.
X. Collected from his declared campaign account and re-read against the platform on 2026-09-14, when it came back unchanged, by the same author, at the same publication time, with a single-entry edit history. A post is the candidate's own words and is not a record of any official action; the act it describes is cited separately.
Instagram. Handle confirmed through the link in his campaign site's own footer, read live on September 14, 2026. The account itself was not collected or read; this desk's social collection covers X only.
Ted Brown Election Committee. The whole campaign site is this one served page; tedbrown.org itself is a redirect to it, and every navigation item, Home, About, Platform, Media, Quotes, Contact and Donate, is an anchor within it. Its twelve platform sections are digital privacy, taxes, immigration, foreign policy, free trade, emergency powers, gun rights, the war on drugs, justice reform, education, police reform and health care. It carries the banner claim about special interests, his biography, his party offices, and links to X and Facebook and to no other account. There is no news or press index; the Media section lists interviews and the Quotes section lists quotations from others.
X. Handle confirmed through the link in his campaign site's own Spread the Word section, which also embeds the account's timeline, read live on September 14, 2026. He holds no office, so there is no official-office account. Its posts and replies were collected in full for the window July 1, 2026 to September 14, 2026, 339 items across two windowed runs, the account exhausted rather than stopped at a cap; the first run stopped on a transport error and the second reached the rest. Most of that number is replies to other people rather than posts of his own: a later run of the same account over a comparable window returned 360 items of which 292 were replies, so his own posts in the period number in the dozens. Cited as the scope of the search behind the silence recorded against him.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00901918, file number 1996198, beginning image 202607159875888624, the current non-superseded version. Coverage May 7 to June 30, 2026: receipts $1,640,065.57, disbursements $2,227,721.59, cash on hand $1,755,294.47, no debts owed by or to the committee. The period starts later than the other two because the committee also filed a pre-runoff report covering April 1 to May 6, 2026.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00919084, file number 1997887, beginning image 202607159890734938, the current non-superseded version. Coverage April 1 to June 30, 2026: receipts $28,271,821.27, disbursements $16,582,531.54, cash on hand $21,548,155.08, no debts owed by or to the committee.
Federal Election Commission. Committee C00857623, file number 1988042, beginning image 202607049874765347, the current non-superseded version. Coverage April 1 to June 30, 2026: receipts $1,259.52, disbursements $1,118.64, cash on hand $1,150.97, no debts owed by or to the committee.
Federal Election Commission. Itemized non-individual receipts for the 2025-2026 cycle through June 30, 2026, read from the OpenFEC schedule A endpoint on 2026-09-14 and grouped by the recorded organization type or designation of each contributing committee. Line 11C contributions from other political committees total $157,500.00 across 35 non-memo rows and line 11B party contributions $62,000.00 in one, together $219,500.00, exactly the FEC summary's other-committee plus party contributions.
Federal Election Commission. Itemized receipts from political committees and party committees for the 2025-2026 cycle through June 30, 2026, read from the OpenFEC schedule A endpoint on 2026-09-14 in four date windows because the unfiltered query times out, and grouped by the recorded organization type or designation of each contributing committee. Line 11C totals $348,408.24 across 101 non-memo rows, exactly the FEC summary's other-committee contributions; line 11B returns nothing, and the summary records no party contribution. Four memo rows totalling $13,500.00 record contributions earmarked through a conduit and are excluded because the report already counts them.
Federal Election Commission. The same query run for this committee returns no row at all on line 11C and none on line 11B, in any window of the cycle through June 30, 2026. There is nothing to group, which is why this desk states the absence rather than printing an empty table.
Federal Election Commission. The FEC's own cycle summary through June 30, 2026: receipts $68,560,930.42, disbursements $47,012,775.34, individual contributions $65,585,741.88, other political committee contributions $348,408.24, party committee contributions $0.00, transfers from other authorized committees $2,594,220.00. Read from the OpenFEC totals endpoint on 2026-09-14 and used to reconcile the itemized table.
Federal Election Commission. The FEC's own cycle summary through June 30, 2026: receipts $7,459.52, disbursements $6,376.43, cash on hand $1,150.97, individual contributions $2,459.52 of which $1,150.00 itemized and $1,309.52 unitemized, candidate contribution $5,000.00, other political committee contributions $0.00, party committee contributions $0.00. Read from the OpenFEC totals endpoint on 2026-09-14.
Federal Election Commission. FEC candidate S4TX00888: Libertarian Party, United States Senate, Texas, challenger, status C, election years 2024 and 2026, first filing March 6, 2024. Read from the OpenFEC candidate endpoint on 2026-09-14. The FEC records party and office; it does not record a party's nomination.
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The details
Election facts. Original sources.
Election date
November 3, 2026
Launch rating
Cook Political Report: Toss Up; dated August 20, 2026
Ballot source updated
Final certification generated August 28, 2026; reviewed September 2, 2026.
Candidate field
Printed candidates checked against official election records.
What this page includes, and what is not yet included.
As of Sep 23, 2026. Each area lists only what has passed its source check. How coverage works.
BallotIncluded
3 printed candidates, checked September 2, 2026 against the official election record.
Race outlookPartial
2 of 3 specialist ratings are current as of Sep 23, 2026. 1 stale rating stays visible with its date but is excluded from our analysis.
Reported contextNot yet
The reporting reviewed so far centers on polling. Poll sponsor, field dates, sample, methodology, and uncertainty still need a claim-level review before publication.
Words and recordIncluded
10 statement-to-action comparisons across 3 candidate records, each with a stated limitation.
Campaign financeIncluded
FEC filing snapshots for 3 principal campaign committees, with a common coverage cutoff.
PollingNot yet
No published poll has been reviewed for this race yet.
No correction has been recorded for this race. Report an error.
Printed brief
Sources for this brief
Snapshot as of Sep 23, 2026. The live page may have changed since this copy was printed: https://statedrecord.com/races/texas-us-senate-2026
Texas Secretary of State final ballot certificationhttps://www.sos.state.tx.us/elections/forms/2026-ballot-cert.pdf
Separate write-in recordhttps://www.sos.state.tx.us/elections/forms/2026-write-In-ballot-cert.pdf
Cook Political Report Senate ratingshttps://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/senate-race-ratings